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              <text>Hartford – When Windsor County State’s Attorney Patricia Zimmerman decided not to prosecute a high-profile unlawful trespass case last month, she said her decision was made “in deference to the privacy rights of the witnesses.”&#13;
&#13;
The fact that some of the witnesses in the case were lesbians influenced her decision, she said.&#13;
&#13;
Was her reasoning legitimate? Legal? Unprecedented?&#13;
Yes, yes and no, legal and police experts say.&#13;
&#13;
“She is well within statutory authority to make that decision,” said Tom Torti, executive director of the Vermont Department of State’s Attorneys and Sheriffs. “The privacy rights of an individual is as legitimate a reason for not bringing a case as is any other reason.”&#13;
&#13;
Two police officers interviewed for this story said they had occasionally heard privacy rights of victims and witnesses cited as reasons not to prosecute in cases that involve children or allegations of aggravated sexual assault.&#13;
&#13;
State’s attorneys have a remarkable degree of latitude in deciding whether to prosecute a case, and they needn’t explain their reasons either, said professor Michael Mello of Vermont Law School in South Royalton.&#13;
&#13;
The seemingly simple question of “Was the law broken?”is complicated by a number of other factors. Can the state prove its case? Does the alleged lawbreaker endanger the public safety? Given state budget cuts, is prosecution the best use of limited staff resources? What is the severity of the charge, and is prosecution worth the effort?&#13;
&#13;
“Having ongoing relationships with not just the police, but the public in general are legitimate factors that oftentimes come into the charging equation,” Mello said.&#13;
&#13;
“The wants and needs of the victims as well as the wants and needs of third parties, especially, in this case, of innocent witnesses,” he said, explaining that his information about this case comes from news accounts.&#13;
&#13;
“At least as told by the Valley News . . . this may not have been your everyday, normal trespass case,” Mello said. “If sexual orientation was an issue or potential issue in the trial, given the general homophobic nature of U.S. culture, (non-prosecution) makes sense to me.”&#13;
&#13;
Although a reluctant witness can be compelled by the court to testify, such a witness may be hostile and unhelpful, Torti said.&#13;
The unlawful trespass charge stemmed from an evening last December when Georgina Forbes of Thetford and Susan Aranoff of Randolph went to the Howard Johnson’s junction with a group of (Continued on page 5)&#13;
&#13;
 – DECISION friends, one of whom, a 39-year-old woman, lacked identification.&#13;
&#13;
Aranoff and Forbes unsuccessfully tried to persuade the bartender to let the woman in. Hartford police – five of them – were called to settle the ensuing dispute. During the subsequent arrest, Aranoff said she was shoved savagely to the floor.&#13;
&#13;
Aranoff and Forbes claim they were discriminated against by the bar because some in their party were lesbians. The bar denies it. The women further say the police acted unreasonably and violently during the arrest, accusations the police have consistently denied. Zimmerman sided with the police in her statement announcing her decision not to prosecute.&#13;
&#13;
“The Hartford Police Department acted appropriately and according to protocol,” she wrote, adding that prosecution would not serve the public good. She said yesterday that she stands by her decision.&#13;
&#13;
Mello analyzed Zimmerman’s decision thus: “The police are vindicated and the folks who are arrested are vindicated. At least on its face, it’s a compromise that I think had the political benefit of giving the various constituencies some of what they wanted, maybe not all. Politically, she was probably in a no-win situation.”&#13;
&#13;
Only one of the police officers involved in the incident could be reached for comment. Patrlman David Hedley said he was neither frustrated by nor triumphant about the case’s outcome.&#13;
&#13;
“If I were to get upset about all the cases that don’t get what I think they should get, I’d go nutty,” he said. “As soon as it’s out of my hands, I try to forget about it.&#13;
&#13;
“I don’t see that there is vindication involved,” he continued. “I just see that the truth came out. The facts were investigated by an independent body and it led to everything that my department has asserted in the first place.&#13;
&#13;
“I’ve been in law enforcement close to 11 years. I know the level of my conduct and am satisfied with my conduct. I don’t worry about what anybody else says, what the press says, what the victims say. I know I guided myself in a proper manner and according to our guidelines and regulations.”&#13;
But if that arresting officer wasn’t frustrated, at least one former police officer was. In a letter to the Valley News, Hartford resident Frank Dupree implied that Zimmerman was pressured by a special interest group to back down. Tom Nelson, past president of the Vermont Police Association, who read about the case in the media, said it “popped” into his mind that “political” considerations might have influenced Zimmerman’s decision.&#13;
&#13;
“Most people don’t want for political groups to affect the courts’ work,” Nelson said. “The court should be looking for the truth. The issue should basically be the incident that occurred and the laws that were broken.” &#13;
&#13;
But Torti dismissed the notion that politics might have played a role.&#13;
&#13;
“Pat (Zimmerman) has a reputation in the state for being a very tough prosecutor. If you look at her record as a prosecutor and as a state’s attorney, clearly she hasn’t shied away from tough cases,” he said.&#13;
&#13;
Aranoff, who is an attorney, said she doesn’t accept Zimmerman’s stated reason for not pursuing the case, although she was glad that the charge was dropped. Aranoff said that the lesbian witnesses are her friends and she knows they weren’t concerned about their privacy. Aranoff, who is lesbian, speculated that Zimmerman wanted to show her sensitivity to the gay community by raising the privacy rights issue because she realized that otherwise her support for the police would be interpreted as insensitivity to homosexuals.&#13;
“I think the state’s attorney was looking for a way out but the reason given doesn’t fly,” Aranoff said.&#13;
&#13;
Zimmerman said yesterday that wile some witnesses didn’t necessarily have a problem testifying, “it’s a matter of what collateral effect that process might have.” She declined to comment on Dupree’s letter, saying he is entitled to his opinion and that it was based solely on news accounts.</text>
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              <text>[Start Page]&#13;
[Header] Region/State&#13;
Rutland Daily Herald  &#13;
Saturday, December 4, 1999&#13;
Windsor, Windham &amp; Benn&#13;
 &#13;
[Title] Young arms of the law &#13;
[Sub-title] Mock ‘arrest’ gives students lesson in Fourth Amendment &#13;
By MELISSA MACKENZIE &#13;
Herald Correspondent &#13;
[Text] SOUTH ROYALTON – Vermont Law School pro-fessor Michael Mello was giving a speech on the Fourth Amendment Friday when an armed police officer paused outside one of the glass doors leading into the room. &#13;
The officer, state Trooper Paul Gauthier, stared hard at Mello, who abruptly stopped lecturing, announced his time was up and stuffed his papers into his brief-case. Mello looked distracted, flustered. He swore and hurried in the opposite direction. &#13;
Gauthier, meanwhile, opened the door, crossed the meeting hall, apprehended Mello and frisked him. He also searched Mello’s briefcase, in which he found a gun. &#13;
Then he took Mello away.&#13;
When Mello reappeared a few minutes later “free on bail,” however, it was clear he hadn’t really been arrested. The act was just a demonstration about the Fourth Amendment, which deals with the right of individuals to be free from “unreasonable” searches and seizures, for more than 75 junior high and high school students from around the state who attended the fifth annual Youth for Justice Summit at Vermont Law School. &#13;
But the conference, a day-long event that aims to pro-mote the importance of legal education and responsibility&#13;
(See Page 13:Law)&#13;
[Image- three students listening to Michael Mello’s Speech]&#13;
[Image Caption- Photo by Melissa MacKenzie]&#13;
[Image Caption- Students listen to Vermont Law School professor Michael Mello speak Friday during the fifth annual Youth for Justice Summit at the school in South Royalton.]&#13;
[End Page]&#13;
&#13;
[Start Page]&#13;
[Heading-Law]&#13;
[Sub-heading- Continued from Page 11]&#13;
[Text] among teens, gave students more than lectures about the issue – it gave them a live performance.&#13;
	After Mello returned, law students argued the pros and cons of whether Mello was guilty. Then, with the help of students, the “case” was taken step by step all the way to the Supreme Court.&#13;
	Donning impressive black robes trimmed with black velvet, Mello, as U.S.  Supreme  Court  Justice Rhenquist, and five seventh-graders from St. Albans City and Milton, as associate justices, began the trial of “former professor Mello.”&#13;
	The young justices took on the lawyers toe to toe on whether the police had any right to search Mello. Questions like “why did the officer enter this room in the first place?” and “the professor left in a hurry because of shock! How do you know he was engaged in suspicious active-ity? He was done with his speech. He was leaving! It is a crime to hurry from the room?” and “did the officer have a warrant to search the brief-case?” and the answers given by law students and Mello educated and engaged the entire audience.&#13;
	Later, as the several “lawyers” spoke, the “justices” had to consider the matter from the point of view of the police officer.&#13;
	The session, which was based on a case presently before the U.S. Supreme Court, Illinois vs. Wardlow, was the fifth in a series of legal dis-cussions held at the Youth Summit. Other sessions explored the legali-ties of school rules, discipline and expulsion, curfew laws, property rights, and rescue and first aid issues in Vermont.&#13;
	Founded in Bellows Falls in 1994 by retired Bellows Falls Union High School principal Harry (“Bud”) Weiser, the Youth for Justice Summit pro-gram in Vermont that is recognized by the American Bar Association. &#13;
	Topics addressed in previous years included prison life, Internet crime, environmental pollution and drug enforcement.&#13;
	School or Individuals who wish to purchase a videotape of Friday’s events can call Eric Columber of the Vermont Law School Legal Education and Empowerment Project at 763-3021. &#13;
[End Page]&#13;
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              <text>To the Editor,&#13;
&#13;
Michael Mello, professor at Vermont Law School, wrote about the “absurd humanity” of convicts on death row in Florida (Forum, April 16). He does not seek to justify the “hideous crimes” of his Florida clients. He asks readers instead to recognize “that prisoners are more like us normal people than we often want to admit or acknowledge.” Mello points out that “if you were to meet (convicted serial killer Ted) Bundy in your local bar, you’d never know he had confessed to many, many murders. You’d think he was just like you, and for the most part you’d be right … we are similar to him.”&#13;
&#13;
Mello does not exactly say what we should make of this, but he seems to be advancing it as an argument against the death penalty. But his observations warrants and sound like normal people, most of them could not have killed anyone. If Ted Bundy had 30-inch horns and behaved as Hulk Hogan pretends to, he could not have murdered so many unsuspecting young women. If John Wayne Gacy had not been an outwardly charming and jovial guy, he could not have enticed dozens of boys to his home in order to rape, torture and murder them. It is precisely because of many murderers’ deceptive ordinariness that society has to treat perpetrators of hideous crimes harshly.&#13;
&#13;
Mello’s letter suggests a more disturbing message than confusion about the functions of punishment. Mello is not just saying that it is hard to tell who is a murderer. He asserts that Ted Bundy is essentially like any one else, including, we are to infer, an innocent person who would not commit murder. This implies that we should suspend any moral judgment on such crimes, since it could be any one of us sitting there on death row. How else could one interpret Mello’s conclusion about normal people an criminals: “There is no ‘us’ and ‘them.’ We’re all part of ‘us.’”&#13;
&#13;
Appearing as it did during Easter and Passover, the letter might be intended as an appeal to our sense of forgiveness. This is not reprehensible, though the appeal seems better directed at the relatives and friends of Ted Bundy’s victims. What is wrong is Mello’s extraordinary moral relativism. It is strange to have to say this, but ordinary people are not like Ted Bundy. Ordinary people, even those who had unpleasant childhoods, do not go around systematically murdering others. A society that loses its moral capacity to distinguish evil from innocence is one that will ultimately be dominated by evil.&#13;
&#13;
William A. Fishcel&#13;
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              <text>To the Editor:&#13;
According to Edwin Vaile's satirical letter (Forum,&#13;
April 5) , Donella Meadows' recent column observed that&#13;
"criminals" might actually be human beings as well--&#13;
an insight lost on the likes of scholars who prefer car-&#13;
toonish views of "them." Folks such as Ms. Meadows&#13;
actually let their opinions be influenced by conducting&#13;
their own field research-- i.e., actually meeting, getting&#13;
to know and (gasp!) perhaps even coming to like and&#13;
respect the shared humanity of people whom society &#13;
would prefer to write off as alien species and forget &#13;
about. I have been a fan of Ms. Meadows' writing for&#13;
years, and she recently granted me permission to use one &#13;
of her past pieces in my forthcoming book on capital pun-&#13;
ishment. But I missed this column, and I am grateful to&#13;
Mr. Vaile for bringing it to my attention.&#13;
&#13;
Full disclosure: For the past 12 years, I have worked &#13;
as an attorney on behalf of Florida death row inmates.&#13;
Over that period, I have come to know a fair number of &#13;
people who the Sunshine State is trying to kill-- along&#13;
with the families and loved ones who were victims for my&#13;
clients' crimes. The only generalization I can make about&#13;
the killers I have known is that no generalizations really&#13;
work. They're surprisingly random slice of American&#13;
culture, with one only clear unifying characteristic being&#13;
that virtually all of them came from backgrounds of&#13;
extreme poverty and family dysfunction.&#13;
&#13;
 Not that that explains away or justifies their hideous &#13;
crimes (except for the surprising--to my mind, at least&#13;
-- number who are factually innocent of the crimes for&#13;
which they are to condemned to die,i.e., they didn't do it,&#13;
period). And as often as not, they are ashamed of their&#13;
backgrounds and reluctant to let me raise their histories&#13;
as legal issues, even when raising such claims might well&#13;
get them off death row. They'd rather die in the electric&#13;
chair than to let their lawyers tell the world about how they&#13;
were raped by their parents or about how their family&#13;
lived in tar-paper shanties and subsisted on dog food.&#13;
&#13;
The fact is that prisoners are more like us normal peo-&#13;
ple than we often want to admit or acknowledge. Some-&#13;
times they are too recognizable for out comfort. "Ted"&#13;
Bundy, for instance, remains our culture's leading &#13;
metaphor for incomprehensible evil and horror, even half&#13;
a decade after his execution. If you were to meet Bundy&#13;
in your local bar, you'd never know he has confessed to&#13;
many, many murders. You'd think he was just like you,&#13;
and for the most part you'd be right. That's the scariest&#13;
part: not that he's so different from us, but rather that &#13;
he's so similar. As we are similar to him.&#13;
&#13;
There is no "us" and "them." We're all part of "us"&#13;
MICHAEL MELLO&#13;
Professor of Law&#13;
Vermont Law School&#13;
South Royalton&#13;
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                <text>West Lebanon, New Hampshire</text>
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              <text>One day early last July, Gregg Thomas of the Tampa branch of the Holland &amp;amp; Knight law firm, flew to Tallahassee to discuss the death appeal case of Jimmy Lee Smith, who was scheduled for execution in 10 days. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Those 10 days wound up being filled with hectic activity and Thomas reckons for the last five, he had only five hours sleep. But he and other lawyers, signed up at the last minute and working for free, won a stay which led to a full review of Smith's case before the 11th Federal Circuit Court of Appeals. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;That review, argued in February, is still pending. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Thomas K. Equels, of Greenberg, Trauig, Askew, Hoffman, Lipoff, Rosen &amp;amp; Quentel of Miami, is used to handling complex commercial civil cases. Recently he found himself going door-to-door in a Pompano beach ghetto trying to get new evidence for David Gorham, another death row inmate. Like Thomas and other attorneys working on the Smith case, he was not being paid. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;But he found an eyewitness who claims that David Gorham did not commit the murder he was convicted and sentenced to death for. Equels is preparing appeals and for a clemency hearing based on the new evidence. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Michael Mello, an assistant public defender in Palm Beach County, spends his working days handling criminal appeals for convicted murderers facing the death penalty. He spends his off hours advising civil attorneys who have volunteered to handle capital collateral cases for indigent death row inmates. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;He recently spent a weekend at his office, while his parents were visiting from Washington D.C., reading a case history and preparing a summary for a volunteer attorney. He has spent considerable time helping lawyers on two separate cases and has given advice on several more cases. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;All three lawyers are part of the Florida Bar's program to provide pro bono attorneys for indigent death row inmates, especially those facing imminent execution. James C. Rinaman, Jr., of Jacksonville, chairman of the Bar's Special Committee on Representation of Death Sentenced inmates in Collateral Proceedings, said the volunteer attorneys face a difficult, expensive and time consuming job for which they will receive little thanks. But he also said it is a necessary task to uphold the principle that everyone, including death row convicts are entitled to lawyers throughout every step of their appeal and that due process should be accorded everyone. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Rinaman estimated&lt;/strong&gt; the average capital collateral case requires 500 to 1,500 hours of work, and can cost from $10,000 to $18,000 out-of-pocket costs. "The more successful you are, the more time it takes." he said. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Lawyers taking the cases can expect little but long hours, high expense and practically no public sympathy for their action, Rinaman said. But the job does have satisfactions. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;"It's a highlight of their whole professional life." he said. "It's the most important thing they've ever done, all they've done before is represent Continental Can, General Motors or Southeast Bank. This is about the highest professional contribution yo can make." &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Only about 100 lawyers in Florida are qualified on their own to handle the capital collateral cases, Rinaman said; consequently the Bar program includes providing advisers and research backup, through the Volunteer Lawyers' Resource Center at Florida State University and Stetson University, to help volunteers. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Mello, Thomas, and Equels all gave different motives for their involvement. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;"The ones I've talked to feel it's wrong to kill people without lawyers. It think it's real gross to kill people period." Mello said, adding he jumped at the chance when Palm Beach County Public Defender Richard Jorandby offered him a job handling criminal death appeals. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;"We supposedly have this system...that;s supposed fair and it isn't . One of the main reason it doesn't work is because of the poverty of people who wind up on death row," he said. "A number of them (volunteer lawyers) who start out don't start as ideologies against the death penalty, but after a few time around. It changes them." &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;One shock&lt;/strong&gt; to the lawyers, largely used to handling civil cases, is poor treatment in some courts and from prosecutors seeking to hasten the executions, he said. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;"I feel good about what I do," Mello said. "I can't think of many other areas in life where I do something where I'm this certain I'm on the right side. I think the death penalty is wrong." &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Mello handles no collateral appeals directly, instead advising the other volunteers, who he noted frequently face a monumental task. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;"If they take it when a death warrant is signed, it's a huge commitment right up front, it's 18 hours a day for three or four weeks," he said.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;A memo written by Thomas last summer outlined some of the rigors he and other faced after taking a case only 10 days before the scheduled execution. The attorneys present the first week, including working through the 4th of July, working long days preparing memos and briefs for appeals. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The memo noted the lawyers believed they uncovered substantial new arguments and legal points, only yo have their appeals denied at he trial court and federal district court level with only cursory hearings. Thomas noted the attorney team was greatly demoralized before the 11th Federal Circuit Court issued a temporary stay, which was immediately and unsuccessfully appealed to the U.S. Supreme Court. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The stay led to the current hearing. Thomas said Holland &amp;amp; Knight agreed to get involved in the cases to guarantee inmates were represented. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;"We didn't take the Jimmy Lee Smith case because we're against the death penalty, we took it because a person who was going tot pay the ultimate price deserved to have due process," he said. "I guess we decided as an obligation to the Bar and an obligation to the system of justice that we give some back." &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;He agreed&lt;/strong&gt; with Mello the death cases vary greatly from the normal civil cases he handles, and that judges can be harsher on lawyers representing capital clients, especially in the lower level of courts. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;"There's a great deal of emotion involved for a judge trying a death case. The further you are removed from that, the less emotion there is," Thomas said. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;He added, "The tribulations (of handling a death case) are knowing that someone's life is essentially in your hands and you have to do the very best you can. The reward is when (and if) Jimmy Lee Smith dies, Gregg Thomas and his partners at Holland &amp;amp; Knight will know everything that could be done was done." &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;He also said the work was important because on average 50 percent of the death appeal cases in the 11th Circuit Court of Appeals are eventually reversed. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Thomas was one of two Holland &amp;amp; Knight attorneys (the other was Julian Clarkson of Tallahassee) along with several law firm clerks who worked on the Jimmy Lee Smith case with Attorney Sarah Bicakley of Tallahassee. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Like Thomas, Equels got involved because Greenburg, Taurig decided the firm should help on death appeal cases. But unlike Thomas, Equels, who is working with Alan Dimond and being advised by James McGuirk and Joseph Beeler, became involved early in David Gorham's appeals, well before his clemency hearing and with no death warrant signing in sight. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;"We're doing it because we have an obligation to the Bar and the community to provide this kind of service to death row inmates needing attorneys," he said. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;This case took Equeis from his normal civil litigation to knocking on doors in a Pompano Beach ghetto. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Noting Gorham's&lt;/strong&gt; attorney presented no evidence in his trial, Equels said, "We did a pretty thorough investigation and found an eyewitness who said he (Gorham) didn't do it. He entirely deserves representation under those circumstances. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;"I feel very strongly that he's innocent and I feel very strongly that the worst kind of miscarriage of justice may have taken place." &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;That belief also provides Equels with an extra motive. "If you don't succeed, a man may die who shouldn't die," he said. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Besides the appeal work, Equels is also preparing for Gorham's clemency hearing this summer. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Despite the intensity of the work, the lawyers said they would be willing to tackle another death row case, but perhaps not right away. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;"I think I might need at least a year to rest," Equels said with a laugh. Thomas said, "I don't think I would ever have two death cases at one time, but I would do it again because it's (law practice) a system of justice, besides a money making process." &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;They also did not think their pro bono service is highly unusual. Thomas said Holland &amp;amp; knight has a policy that its attorneys should donate 10 percent of their time to free work and community service. Equels and Greenberg, Traurig has a history of pro bono and community work. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Rinaman said over half the attorneys in his firm, Marks, Gray, Conroy &amp;amp; Gibbs, do regular pro bono work. "I think the answer is all lawyers do things like this; this happens to be a highly visible one," he said. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;And quoting 11th Circuit Court Chief Judge John Godbold, Rinaman said that visibility comes with long hours, high expenses and misunderstanding and criticism from the public and even the client. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;He continued with Godbold's words, "You'll find yourself involved in as difficult and demanding a case as you've ever been in... when its over, you will stand a little taller in your profession."</text>
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                <text>The article describes how when looking to defend a inmate on death row a lawyer could be working around 18 hours a day for three to four weeks. It also alludes to how important it is that these lawyers continue to do this work as 50% of death row decisions are revoked.  In order for the American justice system to be as fair and effective lawyers need to defend the men on death row in order to give them a fair chance as many of them face poverty and cannot afford them. Although these lawyers face long hours and arduous work, most find it rewarding and are proud of saving the lives of their fellow man.</text>
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              <text>The Constitutional Revision Committee has recommended that the new SA Constitution should contain a Student Bill of Rights, which would be the "standard by which the Student Association shall formulate and conduct its policies." The committee's proposal, which has been approved by President Prince b. Woodard, will be on the March 28 ballot in the campus-wide elections.&#13;
The Bill of Rights, as prepared by the committee, contains five sections:&#13;
1) The SA shall take no action which "abridges the rights of students to freedom or inquiry, of religion, of speech, of press, of peaceful assemblage, or petition…the rights of students shall not be denied or abridged on account of race, color, religion, physical disability, national origin, political affiliation, marital status or age."&#13;
2) Students are to be "secure in their persons, houses or living quarters, papers, and effects against unreasonable searches and seizures."&#13;
3) Students accused of judicial infractions are entitled to "due process," which is defined as "notice to the accused of the nature and cause of the charges and a fair hearing which shall include confrontation of witnesses against him…the right to a speedy and public trial, to have ample time to obtain witnesses in his behalf, and to have the assistance of counsel for his defense…no student, in any judicial case, shall be compelled to be a witness against himself."&#13;
4) Student "clubs may be established for any legal purpose consistent with the policy of the College."&#13;
5) The "student media is to be free of censorship. The editors and managers shall not be arbitrarily suspended by the Student Association because of disapproval of editorial policy or content registered by members of the student body, faculty, administration, alumni or community. This freedom entails a corollary obligation under the canons of responsible journalism and applicable regulations of the FCC."&#13;
The concepts embodied in the Bill of Rights were first presented to the committee by Eric Wootten at a March 13 meeting.  Wootten's proposals, with minor changes, were unanimously ratified by the committee on March 15. The Bill was presented to President Woodard for approval the next day. Woodard replied that at least three changes would have to be made on the Bill before he would grant it his sanction. First, an ambiguous clause dealing with the search of dormitory rooms would have to be omitted. Second, the phrase "no student in any judicial case…shall be deprived of due process" must be cahnged to "no student in any student judicial case…shall be deprived of due process." This modification was necessary, asserted Kathy Mayer (chairwoman of the committee),  because the Constitution applied only yo the S.A. It could not deal with Administrative judicial practices.&#13;
Thirdly, the clause pertaining to student clubs and organizations was radically altered. Originally the statement provided that "Organizations may be established for any legal purpose. Affiliation with an extramural organization shall not, in itself, disqualify the institution branch or chapter from institutional privileges." After changes the amendment states: "Clubs  may be established for any legal purpose consistent with the policy of the college. Any such organization shall not be denied membership into ICA, should it desire it, without justifiable reason."&#13;
The revisions committee met for one final time on March 16 and worked out a compromise which was acceptable to all concerned, including President Woodard. Woodard gave his final approval on the modified Bill of Rights on March 17 in a morning meeting with S.A. President Kathy Mayer.&#13;
The student Bill of Rights is only one of many Constitutional changes which the committee is recommending. Other major changes in the existing Constitution include: 1) The Judicial Chairman would appoint upperclass as well as freshmen Judicial representatives. These officials are presently elected by the residents of the dormitory. 2) Executive Cabinet members would no longer be exofficio members of the Senate. 3) The Presidents of both Residential Council and the Day Students Association would attend Executive Cabinet meetings "on a regular basis." 4) The matter of Senate districts was clarified. 5) Chairmen for the standing committees of the Senate, who are presently elected, would be appointed by the President of the Senate subject to the approval of the Senate as a whole. 6) A system of S.A. bylaws would be established. 7) The quorum needed in the Senate to transact business would be replaces with a procedure whereby any number of senators present could conduct business. But a majority vote of the total membership would be needed to approve any legislation.&#13;
The Constitutional Revision Committee, which was composed of Mark McCoy, Bernard Skibinski, Barbara Stammerjohn, Susan Maloney, Kathy Mayer, Cindy Reeves and Laura Buchanan, first began its work almost a year ago. Mayer noted that she felt the completed document "was a definite improvement over the present Constitution." "We tried," said Mayer, "to deal with all of the major issues that came up this year: Alternative Theater Company, the West-moreland Four, the Bill of Rights. It was a long haul but the finished product was worth the effort."&#13;
&#13;
Tuesday, March 21, 1978.</text>
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              <text>(First Page)&#13;
&#13;
Southern Vermont&#13;
Rutland Daily Herald Friday Morning, October 23, 1995 Windsor, Windham &amp; Bennington P&#13;
&#13;
Will He Testify?&#13;
By John Gregg &#13;
Southern Vermont Bureau&#13;
&#13;
SPRINGFIELD - Park View Road is a pretty lane.&#13;
&#13;
Cow pastures and two upscale homes flank the narrow road that runs south for six-tenth of a mile off the Skitchewaug Trail. From a plow turn-around at the end of the road, you can enjoy a sweeping view of the Black River Valley well past Okemo Mountain. &#13;
&#13;
It would be the perfect place for a lovers’ tryst, but for the two “no parking signs” that were recently installed.&#13;
&#13;
And for something else, too. &#13;
	&#13;
Parke View Road is where Jennifer Knight Little was murdered the evening of Feb. 4, 1994. She was stabbed six times and left to die in a snow bank.&#13;
&#13;
This week probably Tuesday morning, six women and nine men will visit the lane. They are the Jury in the Adam Corliss first-degree muder trial, and so far they have heard a week’s worth of testimony from witnesses for the prosecution.&#13;
&#13;
(Second Item)&#13;
&#13;
Trial&#13;
Continued from Page 6&#13;
&#13;
Chris Frappiner and the late Paul Kelly, contract investigators for the defender general’s office, spent dozens of hours developing a case against Durphey. And Donahue, a former Windsor Country prosecutor, is attempting to call several witnesses who say Durphey threatened them by claiming to have murdered Little. &#13;
&#13;
The defence also says it can knock holes in Durphey’s alibi, that he was having a party at home with friends when the murder occurred.&#13;
&#13;
Police describe Durphey a “braggart” who is not linked by any physical evidence to the scene.&#13;
In a special session held outside the jury’s presence Monday afternoon, the defense will try to convince Judge Walter Morris Jr. that testimony allegedly implivating Durphey should be admitted as evidence. Zimmerman is attempting to limit any such evidence.&#13;
&#13;
What’s the Motive?&#13;
&#13;
Another area of interest in the case is motive. The defense has implied that Durphey would have been motivated by revenge to kill Little, who apparently broke up his relationship with another woman.&#13;
&#13;
During voir dire, Zimmerman noted to prospective jurors that the state was not required to prove a motive in the case, and she and Porter have barely explored that front thus far.&#13;
&#13;
But Black says the prosecution should probably try.&#13;
&#13;
“Legally, you don’t have to prove motive, but from a practical matter, if you were sitting on a jury, you would probably ask ‘why would he kill her?’ The fact that it is his knife doesn’t prove that he used it,” he said.&#13;
&#13;
In another twist, Zimmerman and Porter also may rely on a notorious sex offender to seal their case against Corliss&#13;
&#13;
Thomas Pellerin, currently serving a 18-to-20 year prison sentence for sexually assaulting a 15-year-old girl, befriended Corliss while the latter was incarcerated following his arrest.&#13;
&#13;
Accordion to opening statements, Pellerin either conned Corliss into giving him a signed confession to Little’s murder or helped him devise a scheme making Durphey into a “patsy” for Little’s murder.&#13;
&#13;
Michael Mello, a professor at Vermont Law School, says the defence appears in “pretty good shape” thus far and said the prosecution runs an “enormous risk” if it calls Pellerin to the witness stand.&#13;
&#13;
“It seems to me that the prosecution has more to less and less to gain in calling Pellerin than the defense has to gain and lose by calling Corliss,” said Mello.&#13;
&#13;
Taking the Stand&#13;
&#13;
And in the end, unless the state’s case unexpectedly collapses, the most critical testimony will probably come from Corliss himself, Mello said. Although defendants are not required to take the witness stand, Donahue has all but promised the jury that his client will testify.&#13;
&#13;
“If (Corliss) does take the witness stand, i think it will ultimately boil down to whether the jury believes him or not,” said Mello. “He was there, it was his knife. If he takes the witness stand, it will presumably be for the purpose of explaining to the jury what happened.”&#13;
&#13;
“My guess is they wouldn’t call him unless they thought he would be a pretty credible witness,” Mello said. “Ultimately, it’s going to be up to the jury to decide based on his demeanor and his credibility and believability on the witness stand. To the extent that the prosecution can show that he lied in the past, that doesn’t help him.”  [end page]&#13;
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              <text>RICHMOND, Va.— Gov. L. Douglas Wilder yesterday commuted the death sentence of convicted murderer Joseph M. Giarratano Jr., who wants to attend Vermont Law School if he can get out of jail in his nationally celebrated case. &#13;
&#13;
	Giarratano’s scheduled electrocution Friday had become a rallying symbol for death-penalty opponents. Wilder’s conditional pardon which is likely to be accepted by Giarratano by a 5 p.m. [Image]  today deadline, reduces Giarratano’s sentence to life imprisonment with the possibility of parole 13 years from now. &#13;
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	“I’m still suffering from a slight hangover from celebrating last night,” said Vermont Law professor Mike Mello, who has worked with the drug-addicted-turned-legal expert and advocates his release. Mello mailed letters to Vermont politicians weeks ago “begging them to get in touch with Wilder,” and Giarratano called him a half hour before Wilder announced his decision. &#13;
&#13;
	Speculating on the governor’s motives — he’s frequently mentioned as a possible presidential candidate — Mello said, “I would say it’s about 80 percent politics, 20 percent justice.  . . . I’m very, very skeptical of southern governors, especially southern governors who have national political aspirations.”&#13;
	Wilder — who has refused three other pleas for clemency from condemned murderers during his 13 months in office — gave no reason for his decision in the commutation order. &#13;
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“I have thoroughly reviewed the evidence in the case,” Wilder wrote. “.  . . . I have been subjected to significant pleas from across the United States and other parts of the world.  . . . While they have been sincere in their expressions of concern . . . the overwhelming majority acknowledge that they do not enjoy a grasp of the specific facts in the case. I, on the other hand, do, as I must.” &#13;
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              <text> On Friday, March 3, 200 college journalists from across the nation met in Washington, D.C. to participate in a White House Press Briefing for college media personnel. BULLET Features Editor Michael Mello represented the MWC student newspaper staff at the conference. The informative day consisted of talks and question/answer sessions with members of the White House staff, and was highlighted by a thirty-minute collegiate press conference with President Jimmy Carter. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Carter devoted most of the half-hour session to addressing the student editors’ questions. Inquiries covered a vast area of national and international topics. Carter answered the first question on SALT saying that a summit meeting with the Soviet leader, Brezhnev, would be necessary to finalize a nuclear arms agreement.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Regarding economic issues Carter claimed “complete confidence” in G. Wm. Miller, the new Federal Reserve Board chairman. Although Carter recognizes the crucial effects of inflation, he stated that alleviating the unemployment situation holds top priority. He also added that attempts to stabilize the value of the dollar overseas are underway. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;During the session, Mello obtained the floor and addressed his question to Carter’s pardon policy for the Viet Nam War evaders. Mello’s inquiry focused on whether the President feels that the policy is a success. Carter admitted that a “much more extensive program is needed.” He cited Congressional constraints as hindering a more extensive program. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;At the conclusion of the press conference Carter remarked: &lt;br /&gt;“You have a lot of responsibility on you as do I. Your position in society is one of great privilege. The fact that you are here today shows that you have been fortunate, not just endowed with talent and intelligence, but also you come probably from a good, solid family background or have had benefits from government in getting scholarships that others couldn’t get. And you have an advantage and a certain flexibility of thought and analysis and perspective and a lack of heavy responsibility on your shoulders that constrains your independence of thought and also mobility. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;“That won’t always be the case. In a few years you will be employed by a major corporation or have your own business assignment or be teaching school or be working in a bank. And when that time comes, perhaps surprisingly to you, your freedom of expression and freedom of action and freedom of analysis will be severely restricted because there will be an inclination on your part to conform to what the local school board, or the principal of the school wants or what the president of the bank thinks or what your customers at a filling station might want you to believe. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;“And I really hope, as the President of the greatest country on earth, that you won’t relinquish your right and even responsibility for independent analysis and deep inquisitiveness and expressions of concern and open expressions of criticism when public officials like myself don’t reach the standards that you set for our country.”&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The collegiate reporters also met with Presidential Assistant for Public Liaison Midge Costanza. Costanza emphasized that the present administration boasts an open channel to protest groups stating, “We don’t just allow groups into the White House that agree with us.” &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Another speaker, Mary Berry, addressed the students on educational issues. Berry, the assistant secretary of education for HEW, complimented Carter’s higher education aid plan. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Domestic policy adviser, Dave Rubenstein, spoke on Carter’s first year in office and mentioned some of the administration’s first year in office and mentioned some of the administration’s future priorities. These included energy conservation, Senate ratification of the Panama Canal Treaties, economic reforms including tax cuts, and civil service reform. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Mello found the entire day a valuable experience. He commented that the conference was “an aspect of journalism that I didn’t expect to be exposed to for years to come. In some respects the grandeur and officiality of the whole atmosphere overwhelmed me; I didn’t feel intimidated so much as I felt awed. The interest of the President and his advisers in the college media underscored the significance of any form of a free and responsible press.”</text>
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              <text>Edwin Newman, in his book Strictly Speaking, wrote that there are certain words and phrases in the English language which have been so misused and debased that their meaning has blurred to the point of uncomprehension. One such word is "radical," a word bantered about this campus with increasing frequency since the advent of Prometheus. But how many could, if questioned, really define the word? &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;I would like to suggest that when many people use the word "radical", they really mean to say "activist". This distinction is critical because one term denotes a particular political philosophy and one does not. A radical is one who is opposed to the present social system, believes that progressive change within that system is impossible, and that the present system must be torn down and replaced with another; or, as Webster puts it, "advocating extreme measures to retain or restore a political system." The key word here is "system", as opposed to particular policies advanced by components within that system. An "activist" on the other hand, is a person who believes in taking action against the things he opposes or in behalf of those he supports. He is different from the radical in that he supports the system and is willing to work within it to effect his changes. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Also, the term is apolitical; and activist is not necessarily a leftist; he can be a good Republican or Democrat, he may be a member of Right-to-Life or NORML. Phyllis Schafley is as much an activist as Julian Bond, Ronald Reagan as much as Cesar Chavez. Thus, this is not a call to radicalism. It is a call to activism. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Occasionally, student activism is reprehensible in its demands and objectives, such as the Filthy Speech Movement in Berkeley. But one idea is central to student activism: the belief that students have a right to participate in decisions which affect them. This concept is the core of the basic democratic ideal upon which our society is based: an active, informed citizenry is essential if democracy is to really work. When administrators tell students to shirk that responsibility and deny them a real voice in their destiny, or when students voluntarily forfeit it, this not only denies the democratic ideal, it undermines the idea of education itself. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Many educators tend to feel that students should be studying rather than demanding a say in their educational treatment. But campus activism is in itself an education. I have learned more about politics through NORML and the Student Lobby than I learned in the 18 hours of Political Science I have taken here, and my dealings with Joint Council gave me an education in law and justice more valuable than an entire curriculum or pre-law courses. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Studies are a student's primary responsibility, but philosophers from Socrates on have taught that the unexamined life is not worth living: that men have a moral right, an obligation to take part in the decisions that affect them.</text>
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              <text>Editor: &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Martha Moore's letter on the campus Judicial system requires more clarification. In the case to which she referred, I served as a defense council. Although the case involved six students, I will concentrate on one: Andy Hulcher. On the evening that the incident occurred, Andy was studying in his room with a roommate and a friend. His roommate received a phone call at 9 p.m. and returned to the room with three girls. About a half an hour later, Madison's Resident Director knocked on the door. When Andy opened the door, the Resident Director saw the girls and asked them to leave, which they did. Andy, his roommate, and his friend went to trial and were given the same penalty: three weeks strict campus, four weeks loss of key privileges, and one semester social probation. On appeal, Andy's penalty was only slightly reduced and his friends penalty reversed. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Andy's defense on appeal was in three stages 1). serious procedural errors occurred in the handling of his case, 2). these errors constitute an error of the "due process of law" clauses of both the Handbook and the 14th amendment, and 3). such violations are grounds for reversal. There were four violations of "due process" in the case of Andy Hulcher. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;First, Andy was not told that when defendants are tried together, they receive the same penalty, until after the trial. His offense was in no way as serious as that of his roommate: the girls were not his guests, and he had no prior knowledge that they were coming up to the room. Andy was no more than a spectator, yet he received the same penalty. The Joint Council ruled that this was not a violation of due process of the law. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Second, the Judicial Court was particularly severe in this case relative to past cases. For example, Conrad Weiser and his roommate were caught with two female guests of Conrad's in their room after closing hours. Conrad's roommate was acquitted. Yet compare this sentence to the one the same Judicial Court gave to Andy Hulcher. The Joint Council ruled that this radical difference in penalty for the same offense does not constitute a violation of due process of the law. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Third, Andy did not have time to prepare a proper defense against the charges. He had 24 hours to study the Handbook research precedents, secure council, and interview witnesses. The Joint Council ruled that failure to allow a defendant adequate time to prepare his case did not violate due process of law. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Fourth, Madison's Judicial Representative failed to follow any of the investigative procedures outlined in pp. 65-66 of the Handbook. The Joint Council ruled that failure to conduct an investigation before accusation, failure to interview witnesses, and failure to advise the accused of his rights does not constitute a violation of due process of the law. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Thus, there were serious errors, oversights, and irregularities in handling of Andy's case by the MWC judicial system. These errors do constitute a violation of the due process clause of the Handbook. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;I consulted three eminent lawyers about the case. John Zwerling, a member of the ACLU advisory board termed the actions of the Judicial court "incredible. . . a travesty." David Rosenfield, a well-known Northern Virginia attorney wrote me that "the procedural errors. . . are absolutely startling. The failure of relevant persons to follow existing written regulations regarding the administration of 'justice' on the campus. . . constitutes a clear violation of the student's Constitutional rights." The third lawyer we consulted was U.S. Supreme Court Justice John Stevens. Justice Stevens noted that "proper and set regulations must be observed by college judicial systems. A lack of procedure. . . adds to the lack of respect for the system." He further stated that had these errors occurred in a federal or state court, on appeal the verdict would be reversed. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The Joint council had all this information before them and they ignored it. I asked them at the time of the trial (and received no answer) that if the above four points do not constitute an abridgement of due process, what does? I ask again: What does due process mean at MWC? Michael Mello</text>
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                <text>Michael Mello writes to the Editor defending Andy Hulcher. He believes that the Joint Council did not fairly penalize Andy for being a spectator while females were in his room because he did not invite them up there or have prior knowledge that they were coming over. He believes that Andy was unfairly punished.</text>
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              <text>Four male inhabitants of Westmoreland dorm were brought before an Administrative Hearing last week, which resulted in the expulsion of three of them from the residence hall.There is some question over the proceeding. Pictured are Mitch Sproul, Peter Back, and John Bertenstein. Not pictured is Steve Calhoun.</text>
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              <text>Like any disciplinary proceeding, the “Westmoreland Four” case has many different aspects to it. Often it is important to keep these aspects mentally separate. In particular, one must make a distinction between the ultimate verdict of punishment, and the manner in which that decision was reached-the process. The judgment and punishment in the case was justifiable: it is difficult to find fault with president Woodard’s actions here. The procedure for an Administrative Hearing deliniated on pages 28-30 of the Handbook were scrupulously followed. More importantly, the severity of the punishments may be justifiable because the Administration apparently approved its case against the four men-in both charges of the indictment. The noise count was never really in doubt; the defendants admitted that they often played their stereos too loud. The vandalism charge was more complex, since no evidence was presented at the Hearing which directly linked any of the four men to any acts of malicious vandalism; but, none was needed. A fifth student, who lives in another dorm was a frequent guest of the four Westmoreland men, had admitted committing some of the damage for which The Four were charged. And the Handbook provides that “Anyone in a residence hall to which he or she is not assigned a room by the college is considered a guest… All guests must abide by the rules and regulations of the college and the student is responsible for the conduct of his guest at all times. Any damages to property will be paid by the students and/or guest.” Thus were the Westmoreland Four indirectly tied to and liable for the vandalism for which they were charged. There was no glaring and obvious injustice in Woodard’s verdict in the case. But what truly bothers me about the whole affair is not the ultimate decision, but rather the process by which that decision was made. Specifically, the Westmoreland Four should have tried instead by President Woodard alone in an Administrative Hearing, the men were denied the due process of the law guaranteed to them by the Handbook as well as the Fourteenth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;It is wrong to blame the decision to convene an Administrative Hearing on Woodard, for the decision to turn this case over to the College President was not made by Woodard alone; it was a joint decision made by Cindy Reeves, Judicial Chairman, Barbara Stammerjohn, and Scott Sharer, Westmoreland Judicial Representative. Ms. Reeves was most emphatic on this point. In a taped interview, I asked her “if it was the students, not the Administration, who decided to send this case to Administrative Hearing.” Her reply was a forceful “yes.” &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Of these three students, Ms. Reeves bears the brunt of the responsibility for the decision. This was a judicial matter and her job is to be aware of and proficient in judicial matters; such matters are her specialty within the SA. The Handbook states that she is “the official representative of the Student Association in all matters of judicial concern.” Sharer was her subordinate; she is “responsible for all Residence Hall Judicial Chairman.” Stammerjohn as SA Vice President has no official concern with judicial matters, and hence was present primarily in an advisory capacity. Thus, the person most concerned with judicial matters, the person whom we hope is as close to an expert on judicial practices and procedures that we have, the person most responsible for the decision to convene an Administrative Hearing to dispose of this case, was Cindy Reeves. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Reeves based this decision on essentially four grounds. First, she said that Judicial Court or Joint Council could not handle the case because non-students were “involved”- Dean Clement, a campus police officer, and Resident Hall Advisor testified at the Administrative Hearing. But non-students, particularly campus police and dorm mothers, frequently testify at both Judicial and Joint trials, a fact which Ms. Reeves herself acknowledged. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;This is particularly true in visitation cases, for obvious reasons: the Handbook provides that the “Dean of Student Services, accompanied by the Residence Hall Director” should be present when a student’s room is searched for a suspected violation of a college rule or regulation. Further, “the College Police may assist in such a search.” Ms. Reeves’ principle of handling all cases, in which non-students are “involved” over to the Administration, if applied in all such cases, would mean that Woodard would be trying almost all of the cases which now are handled by Judicial Court and Joint Council. No doubt President Woodard would deal fairly with all of these cases, but his time is too valuable to waste trying Judicial and Joint Council cases; Ms. Reeves point might leave some credence if these non-students were plaintiffs in this Westmoreland Four case, but she herself stated that the charges were brought by a student: Scott Sharer. Dean Juanita Clement, Mrs. Janet Barnes, and the officer were only witnesses: as Mrs. Keel and Officer Prescott were witnesses at a Joint Council trial last year and Lonnie Stuterwant was a witness at the Madison Judicial trial last year. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Secondly, Ms. Reeves claims that there was a “loophole” in the section of the Handbook covering Noise Violations. Scott Sharer, who brought this “loophole” to her attention, explained: “let’s say that you’re in a room and I come and tell you its too noisy, would you please turn it down. I have to give you a warning, and if you turn it down, then that’s the end of the incident. Well, if you’re noisy the next night, I have to give you another warning; it’s treated as a separate incident. So even if I must come to your room every night and ask you to turn it down, and you do, then I can’t give you any hall offenses. That was particularly a problem here. When I asked them to turn it down, they did. But it was happening every night.” I will not argue the pros and cons of this warning requirement here, but in any case, this “loophole” does not mean that Judicial or Joint could not take this case. Ms. Reeves has stated that no hall offenses are necessary before these bodies may try a case involving a noise complaint. Noise problems are specifically in Judicial jurisdiction; further, one of the Joint Council’s jobs is to “hear cases of extreme complexity.” This noise matter seems to be such a case; this “loophole” thus is not a valid reason for taking the extreme and, to my knowledge, unprecedented step of handing a Joint Council case over to Administrative Hearing. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Thirdly, Ms. Reeves asserts that a “time element” problem necessitated the convention of an Administrative Hearing; “an immediate solution was needed. A lot of people were upset.” So Ms. Reeves, Ms. Stammerjohn, and Mr. Sharer concluded that because of the immediacy of the problem, the four men should be removed from the dorm until Administrative Hearing could be convened. But the moment they did this, the “time element problem” was to the three students’ decision to convene an Administrative Hearing, how heavily it weighed on their minds. They decided that the Administration should ultimately try the case. Fourthly, Ms. Reeves claims that neither Judicial nor Joint could hear this case because vandalism was involved, an offense not specifically within the jurisdictions of those bodies. She may have a point here, but one could argue just as forcefully that vandalism is not specifically out of the realm of Judicial or Joint either particularly in light of the fact that the need must be extremely compelling before the convention of an Administrative Hearing may be justified. Further, Judicial Courts in the past have heard and passed judgment on cases involving vandalism, although the vandalism in these instances was not committed against College property. When MWC property is involved, a problem arises because only the College may assess for damages. But this problem may be solved in the following manner: Judicial or Joint Council could decide innocence or guilt and then the Administration could assess the accused student for recompance in the event of a guilty verdict. I can sympathize with Ms. Reeves’ position as she met with her two fellow students, President Woodard and Dean Clement on that Wednesday morning. With exams staring her in the face and a complicated case before her, maybe she cannot really be blamed for an error in judgment. Perhaps the thing that bothers me the most about Ms. Reeves’ decision is that she is still defending it to the hilt and worse still, she is ready to repeat it again and again. Ms. Reeves made a mistake. She should admit it.</text>
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              <text>On November 29, four Westmoreland male residents Mitch Sproul, John Bartenstein, Peter Back, and Steve Calhoun appeared before an Administrative Hearing charged with "(1) conduct in Westmoreland Hall which is detrimental to the environment of the College and contrary to College rules and regulations and (2) vandalism to College property in Westmoreland Hall." President Prince B. Woodard, who is invested with the sole authority for making the decision, apparently found the students guilty of both counts and notified them verbally and by letter of their punishments. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;His decision entailed three students being rejected from Westmoreland Dormitory. The fourth man, Mitch Sproul, was permitted to "continue to reside in Westmoreland Hall for the remainder of the semester without the privilege of having any visitors in your room or your visiting or entering any other student room in that Hall or visiting or entering any other residence hall on campus. "Further, his "continuing in Westmoreland Hall is conditional to your not being involved in any way with a violation of rules or regulations of the Hall or of the College. Should you violate any such rule or regulation or create in any way a disturbance including excessive noise, to the detriment of other students, your right to remain in the residence hall will be terminated." &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The main impetus behind this case was Scott Sharer, Judicial Representative of Westmoreland Hall. Sharer reported that he had received numerous complaints from residents of the dorm regarding noise caused by the four individuals. Some of these noise complaints dated back to the third week of the semester. The noise complaints continued intermittently until the Administrative Hearing. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Around September 25th Sharer was approached at 2:30 a.m. by resident Laura Bannister who reported she had been awakened by "loud male voices" in room 303 next door and that she then heard some objects fall from the window of room 303 to the ground outside the dorm.. This was followed by loud, long screams, obviously male screams." &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Sharer, upon investigation, learned that Bartenstein, Back, and another individual had entered the room uninvited and obviously under the influence of alcohol." During an apparent pillow fight two stereo speakers and a fan were knocked from the open window to the ground. Sharer, in consultation with Dorm President Mayo Carter and Judicial Chairman Cindy Reeves, decided to "work out a punishment fitting to the crime yet positive toward the spirit of greater cooperation within the dorm." Sharer served the three men with a document that they "readily signed." &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The notice read: "We the undersigned do so accept the punishment of locking Westmoreland Dormitory for the period of one week for visitation and noise violations ..." We also understand that any further infractions will be dealt with to the fullest extent of the legal guidelines set by the College." &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Sharer then went on to say that frequent noise violations occurred throughout the semester and the four men were repeatedly warned that this behavior was unacceptable. On November 20th Sharer reported that he found damage in the hall "in the form of garbage, a water fountain off the wall, and a window broken." Earlier a telephone stand had been destroyed. On November 21st Sharer "observed a broken water fountain, a broken door, a broken telephone table... a broken fire extinguisher, shaving cream on the walls and doors, oranges smashed on the floor, and a broken window." Sharer issued a final warning to the entire hall that stated "there would be no more trouble in first north Westmoreland hallway. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Sharer claimed that it was all but impossible to determine who had caused this damage because several dormitory residents "lived in fear" of these four men. Despite Sharer's final warning, noise violations continued. Later that morning Bartenstein was issued two hall offenses for leaving the door unlocked. On Tuesday morning an event involving vomiting, which Mitch Sproul termed a "group retch" occurred. It had not been determined whether this occurred in a private room or in the hall. The events of these two days precipitated action which led to the Administrative Hearing. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The next night more noise ensued, and hall offenses were issued to Steve Calhoun and another resident: an altercation between Calhoun and Sharer was narrowly avoided. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Interviews with both the four accused and witnesses at the hearing (Cindy Reeves, S.A. Judicial Chairman, and Scott Sharer, Westmoreland Judicial Representative) reveal that there was no clear evidence presented and no proof brought forth to establish a guilty verdict on the vandalism charges. Yet the letters, informing the four students of Woodard's decision, did not specifically state the charges on which they were convicted. President Woodard, whose sole responsibility this decision was, declined to comment. Dean Juanita Clement and Cindy Reeves, witnesses at the hearing, also declined to comment on the nature of the penalty. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;However, Scott Sharer as well as the four accused felt that the decision was based essentially on noise. Sharer pointed out that another residential student was responsible for some of the vandalism charges. Sharer believes that this may have entered into Woodard's decision since the handbook provides (pp.56-57) "Anyone in a residence hall to which he or she is not assigned a room by the college is considered a guest ... All guests must abide by the rules and regulations of the college and the student is responsible for the conduct of his guest at all times. Any damages to property will be paid by the students and/or guests." &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The decision to convene an Administrative Hearing rather than Joint Council or Judicial Court was made by Barbara Stammerjohn, Cindy Reeves, and Scott Sharer, in conference with President Woodard. Ms. Reeves stated that she felt the matter could be better handled by the administration for essentially five reasons. Firstly, college employees were involved (dorm mother Mrs. Janet Barnes, Dean Juanita Clement, and Campus Police officers) in the disposition of the case. Secondly, Reeves felt that the problem of noise and vandalism in Westmoreland required an immediate solution and concluded that the Administrative hearing could sooner dispose of the problem than could the Joint of Judicial Court. Thirdly, Ms. Reeves said that it was too much trouble for Judicial to handle. Fourthly, because no hall offenses had been issued for the specific charges of noise, it did not constitute a judicial complaint. Fifthly, vandalism offenses are not specifically mentioned in the provisions stating judicial territory. Thus, Ms. Reeves feels that the charges cannot be handled by Judicial Court , although vandalism charges were handled by Judicial last year. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The accused are uncertain (though they asked President Woodard) exactly what charges they are convicted of. They also feel that they were denied due process of law and trial by their peers. Their complaints are essentially three. Firstly, they are frustrated by the fact that there was no appeal. Secondly, they are bothered because no transcript of the hearing was made. Thirdly, their letters of accusation were, in their opinion, vague and failed to enumerate precisely what charges of vandalism they were to face. They felt that this made the preparation of a proper defense difficult if not impossible. Finally, they believe that their case should have been heard by the student Judicial body rather than by Woodard.</text>
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Mello, who keeps a diary, contends a person’s diary should be given the same constitutional protection against self-incrimination as his spoken words, which are guaranteed by the Fifth Amendment.&#13;
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Since early May, Mello has had a half-dozen phone calls with Judy Clarke, Kaczynski’s lead lawyer.&#13;
&#13;
Kaczynski is facing federal charges that he sent four bombs through the mail, killing two people.&#13;
&#13;
Federal prosecutors in the trial in Sacramento, Calif., are seeking the death penalty.&#13;
&#13;
Although the prosecution won an early round on Kaczynski’s diary, Mello expects his argument to prevail.&#13;
&#13;
“My diary is an extension of my own mind and my own soul and my own heart,” Mello said.&#13;
&#13;
“And the Fifth Amendment of the Constitution of the United States says the government can’t extract information from my mind, my heart, and my soul.&#13;
&#13;
“That’s what the prohibition against compelled self-incrimination means.”&#13;
&#13;
Mello, 40, has taught at Vermont Law School since 1988.&#13;
&#13;
He has spent much of his legal career defending death row inmates  in Florida and he clerked for U.S. Appeals Court Judge Robert S. Vance.&#13;
&#13;
The Birmingham, Ala., judge was killed in 1989 by a bomb sent to his home.&#13;
&#13;
“He was as close to a professional father as I’ve ever had,” Mello said. “I loved him.”&#13;
&#13;
The man convicted of killing Vance, Walter Leroy Moody, was sentenced last year to death.&#13;
&#13;
Moody also kept a diary, and the very pieces of the Kaczynski defense that Mello is helping to design could be used to save the man who killed the most important person in Mello’s life.&#13;
&#13;
Mello’s “nightmare” is that his diary argument will be used to win Moody a new trial, and that at the trial, he’ll be acquitted.&#13;
&#13;
But as a legal scholar whose professional practice focuses on capital cases, he feels he must answer compelling constitutional questions in death-penalty cases.</text>
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              <text>The Constitutional Revision Committee has produced a generally excellent document. To briefly cite a few of its improvements over the present SA constitution: the Presidents of Residential Council and Day Students Association would be guaranteed access to Executive Cabinet meetings “on a regular basis”; the murky area of Senatorial districts, the subject of much confusion this year, would be clarified; the SA would have the formal power and responsibility to “study any matter affecting the welfare of the student body and the College”; the allotment of student fees would officially fall within the jurisdiction of a “special committee or committees” of the SA; a clearer demarcation between the Legislative and Executive sectors of SA would be accomplished by stipulating that Cabinet members would no longer be ex officio members of the Senate; numerous definitional ambiguities would be clarified. But all of these matters, positive and necessary as they are, come as a little surprise; most of them were expected.&#13;
&#13;
The truly stunning accomplishment of the committee is their recommendation that the S.A. Constitution should contain a Student Bill of Rights. In doing so, the members of the committee exhibited a degree of courage and foresight not often seen on this campus. This Bill of Rights is an enormous gift to future generations of MWC students. It shall be a searchlight whose brilliance will continue to shine long after the Westmoreland Four and full-time student status controversies have faded from memory.&#13;
&#13;
The idea of an MWC student Bill of Rights is not new; the essential principles embodied within the Constitutional Revisions Committee’s recommendations were first presented to the student body of this campus on April 28, 1970. That Bill, a ponderous document containing no less than 51 separate sections, was ratified by the students by a vote of 1,447 to 43, only to be vetoed by then-College Chancellor Grellet Simpson.&#13;
It has taken eight years for an MWC President to agree that the rights of his students should be made explicit, but Dr. Woodard has done just that. Now it is up to the students to decide how they feel, and they will do just that in the March 28 election. For once, the choice is ours. &#13;
Why do we need a written Bill of Rights? Why must we put in writing the rights we already seem to possess? These questions were well answered by Sue Cottingham, Campus Judicial Chairman in 1970, in a letter to THE BULLET: “. . . assurances from the present administration that our rights will not be abridged do not insure that this will be the case in the future. We must establish specific, written procedures to avoid misrepresentation and misunderstanding.”&#13;
&#13;
The Bill of Rights can do this. The Bill has certain inherent limitations, but on the whole it is a sound document, and certainly the best we can expect at the present time. It is a foundation upon which to build. &#13;
&#13;
Unfortunately, the phrases “student freedom” and “student rights” evoke an image in the minds of many administrators of a long-haired window smasher, while giving the student a come-and-go-as-I-please attitude that also has its extremes and excesses. Neither of these poles reflect the essence of the students’ rights issue, which is simply the attainment of the full constitutional rights due students as citizens and the matching responsibilities that must be met. The Bill of Rights will come before the campus for a vote in less than two weeks. I hope it will be ratified. Eight years ago, the students ratified the Bill and the Administration vetoed it. Would it not be a slashing irony if this year it was the Administration who embraced the Bill of Rights and the students who repudiated it?&#13;
MAM&#13;
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;[Heading]&lt;br /&gt;Operation to shut its doors this month &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Volunteer Lawyers Resource Center's budget eliminated &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;By Mark D. Killian                               Associate Editor&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;[Start of First Page]&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;“We’re boxing it up and moving it out,” said Jennifer Greenberg, co-director of the Volunteer Lawyers’ Resource Center in Tallahassee. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The organization, created in 1988 to assist death row prisoners in their ap-peals, is closing its doors following a House of Representatives vote to elimi-nate federal funding for the VLCR and 19 similar organizations throughout the country. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The cuts are part of the 99-page House Appropriations Bills for the Departments of Commerce, Justice, and State, the ju-diciary and related agencies for fiscal year 1996. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;“None of the funds provided in this Act shall be available for Death Penalty Re-source Centers or Post Conviction Defendant Organizations,” the bill, destined to become law, says. “It has not passed the senate yet, but our understanding is that there will be absolutely no problem with that occ-uring,” Greenberg said, adding that the Administrative Office of the Federal Courts has Directed the Resource Center to prepare to shut its doors on September 30. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The news of the Resource Center’s closing came as a blow to Florida’s Office of the Capital Collateral Representative, which serves as counsel for all Florida death row prisoners not otherwise represented. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Saying it has to many cases and too few lawyers, CCR Michael Minerva told the Supreme Court in a petition for re-lief that the center’s closing “threatens to send the system into chaos because an already overburdened CCR could not possibly absorb the sudden addition of other clients.” &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Minerva said out of the approximately 350 people on death row in Florida, his office represents 141 of them, with an-other 25 who are eligible for representation but have yet to be assigned counsel. The Resource Center and its volunteers represent another 50 prisoners, he said. A couple of others are represented by volunteers not associated with the Resource Center and the balance of death penalty cases are still on direct appeal. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;With the end of the Resource Center, the responsibility for finding lawyers for those sentenced to death again will ultimately fall on the Bar, president who sits on the Resource Center’s board of directors. Rinaman organized the Bar program in the mid-1980s that recruited law firms to handle death penalty appeals, and was instrumental in establishing the VLRC and CCR. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;”I think the Bar is going to be called upon to play a role,” Rinaman said. “The question is, what role?”&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Layoffs&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Greenberg said the VLRC has already laid off most of its 23 employees, which includes six lawyers and four investigators, along with paralegals and other support staff. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;“We are down to just those who will physically close the operation,” she said. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;[Quote] “It is really frightening what we as citizens are going to allow to happen to our condemned.’- Jennifer Greenberg VLRC co-director. [End quote]&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The Resource Center also has notified the Governor’s Office of its closing, and the center’s present inability to represent or assist in the representation of anyone under a death warrant. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;“Our board has told us to stop taking new cases, stop investigating, stop doing anything other than what we need to do to close,” Greenberg said. “We have reached a point where in order to fulfill our exiting obligations we have to focus on that and not do anything new.” &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Greenberg said VLRC is working to transfer ongoing cases and trying to ensure former clients ”have something approaching effective representation in the future.” &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;With the closing of the Resource Center, Greenberg said she thinks post-conviction for Florida death-sentenced inmates with be thrown into turmoil. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;“I think it is particularly distressing in Florida where we have tried very hard to ensure effective representation and ensure there is some order in the pro-gress,” Greenberg said.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The Resource Center performed ser-eral functions. It provided direct repre-&lt;br /&gt;[End of Page 1]&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;[Beginning of Page #2]&lt;br /&gt;a rate far exceeding that in any prior years,” the petition said. “Whereas CCR’s capacity for accepting affirmed death cases was capped at 26 per year, mean-ing a filing rate of one 3.850 motion ev-ery two weeks, the number of affirmances by this court in calendar year 1994 rose to 46. As those cases move into post-con-viction, they are again overloading CCR’s staff at its present funding level.” &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;CCR has asked the court to make a detailed finding on what constitutes full funding for CCR, to repeal the one-year limit for filing collateral appeals and to stay orders designating counsel and for filing collateral motion.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;The Bar’s&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Rinaman chaired the Bar committee in the 1980s that was asked by the Federal/State Judicial Council to find volunteers to handle appeals for inmates awaiting execution. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;“For about three years the Bar carried the ball single-handedly,” he recalled. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In 1985 the Florida legislature created CCR to provide direct representation to death-sentenced individuals in post con-viction proceedings and the Volunteer Lawyers’ Resource Center was created in 1988 in an attempt to alleviate a case backlog. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;[Quote] ‘I think the Bar is going to be called upon to play a role. The question is, what role?’- James Rinaman, Former Bar President. [End Quote] &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;“Over the years we have developed a program that is barely adequate, and now without the Resource Center we will be back in a situation where we don’t have an adequate program,” Rinaman said. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Supreme Court Justice Ben F. Overton asked the Board of Governors at its February meeting to help find lawyers to take cases that can’t be handled by CCR Rinaman expects the Bar to again hear from the Supreme Court to set up a meeting to determine what to do next.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;“It is not going to be an easy task, but I’m sure we are all up to it,” Rinaman said. “And in the name of going back to true federalism, maybe we will figure out a way to do it.”&lt;br /&gt;[End of Page #2]&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;[Start of Page #3]&lt;br /&gt;sentation for inmates seeking collateral review in cases where CCR has a con-flict, or where CCR lawyers are over-loaded. The center also recruited volunteers to represent death row inmates in post-conviction matters. As an inducement to attract volunteers, the Resources center provided research, con-sultation and investigation services. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;“I have relied, totally, on the investigative and logistical resources of the Florida Volunteer Lawyers’ Resource Center,” Said Vermont law professor Michael Mello, who has represented several death row inmates in Florida, including Joe Spaziano, who is currently under a death warrant. ”The key to effective capital appellate work is not being a good researcher on case law; the key is being a good gumshoe investigator of fact–or being able to rely on the investigative skills of a law office like VLRC.” &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Greenberg said for a decade the legal community in Florida had an understanding that the people sentenced to death must have lawyers.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;“It really is a very sad day when not only are we faced with the prospect of having unrepresented people under death warrant, but we are really losing that incredible opportunity to bring in sole practitioners and bring in civil law-yers,” Greenberg said. “It really is fright-ening what we as citizens are going to allow to happen to our condemned.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;CCR Impact&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;CCR Minerva doesn’t know how many death row inmates will wind up without representation because of the closing the Resource Center.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;“We were already staggering under the load of the combination of the one-year time limit for filing collateral appeals, the unprecedented number of affirmances in 1994 by the Florida Supreme Court, and now this on top of it,” Minerva said. “This is the third major occurrence that has really affected the way we provide services.” &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Minerva said he would like the Resource Center’s volunteers to continue representing the clients they do now, but said CCR is unable to offer them the kind of support the Resource Center provided. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;“For me to try to tell them to stay the course when I don’t have anything to of-fer is not really very helpful,” Minerva said. “I think each of those volunteers is going to have to assess their own situa-tions and see if they can stay or not.” &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;CCR has petitioned the Supreme Court to drop the one-year limit for filing collateral appeals, adopted following a 1991 report of the Supreme Court Committee on Post-Conviction Relief in Capital Cases. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The agency also asked the court to find that CCR is not fully funded and to stay its orders for designating council and fil-ing Rule of Criminal Procedure 3.850 motions in specific cases. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The supreme Court Committee on Post- Conviction Relief found that for the process to work, counsel had to be assigned quickly following the end of direct appeals. The committee recommended that counsel be appointed within 30 days after the last direct appeal, and that a one-year limit be placed on filing collateral appeals, assuming that CCR would be funded to meet that deadline. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The rule went into effect January 1, 1994, and the court said it would review the rule this year.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;CCR operations were boosted by the legislature in 1993, based on an estimate of handling around 24 new cases per year. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The problem, the CCR said, is that while the office budget was increased 50 percent, the client caseload has increased 69 percent and that figure was set to rise to 76 percent when five more cases were assigned. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;And the caseload continues to be above projections. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;”[A]fter January 1, 1994, death sentences were affirmed on direct appeal at &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;[End of Page #3]&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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              <text>[start page one] &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;[heading] &lt;br /&gt;VLS Prof Doesn't Hide His Feelings &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;[subheading] &lt;br /&gt;By BRYAN K. MARQUARD Valley News Staff Writer &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;[start of the first column] &lt;br /&gt;SOUTH ROYALTON- At Vermont Law School, Professor Michael Mello was teaching a capital punishment seminar a few hours after the verdicts were announced in the O.J. Simpson case.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Mello, an expert who has been involved in dozens of capital punishment cases in Florida, makes no secret of his feelings about the Simpson case.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;A footnote in his &lt;em&gt;curriculum vitae&lt;/em&gt;&amp;nbsp;gives a concise list of the major newspapers he has appeared, but notes, "I am pleased to say that I have &lt;em&gt;never&lt;/em&gt;&amp;nbsp;been quoted in the Nicole Brown Simpson/Ron Goldman murder trial." &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Nevertheless, he paused to invoke that case during a seminar that is a clinic on preparing a U.S. Supreme Court &lt;em&gt;certiorari&lt;/em&gt;&amp;nbsp;petition on behalf of his client, Joseph Spaziano, who is on death row in Florida for a murder in which the state's chief witness has now recounted his testimony. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;"We can't let this day pass without a reference to the O. J. Case," Mello told the second- and third-year law students in the seminar. "As it turns out, I have a tie-in to Joe's case." &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;[start of the second column] &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;He then held up an editorial cartoon for the &lt;em&gt;Miami Herald&lt;/em&gt;. On one side of the panel, Simpson was dancing, his shackled hands above his head with the shackle breathing. On the other side, Spaziano sat in an electric chair while the governor of Florida threw the switch. Simpson and the governor were smiling; Spaziano's head was covered with a hood and smoke was rising from his body. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Above Simpson, the text read, "Los Angeles, CA: Defendant faces voluminous forensic evidence, witnesses, and strong motive, but his case is investigated by a foul-mouthed, egomaniacal, racist cop..."&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Above Spaziano, it read, "Tallahassee, FL: Defendant faces no forensic evidence, motive, and a main witness who admits to lying after police coerced his incriminating testimony..." &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The grim, biting humor of the cartoon was mitigated a while later when a student misheard a judge's name that came up in the discussion.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;"They have another Judge Ito in Florida?" the student asked.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;"No, Judge Eaton," Mello replied. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;"There's only one Lance Ito and there's no Dancing Eatons," he said, alluding to the Dancing Itos, a comedy sketch that has become a staple of &lt;em&gt;The Tonight Show&lt;/em&gt;. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;[end of article]</text>
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              <text>A jury's recent verdict acquitting four Los Angeles police officers of using excessive force on a black motorist has drawn a mixed reaction from local police and attorneys.&#13;
&#13;
All those interviewed agreed that if one were to judge the men by the infamous videotape, then they were guilty. &#13;
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But some of those interviewed said they did not know what other evidence was presented court, and believed that the jury system should be supported. &#13;
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I'll was not sitting on a jury for seven weeks. All I saw was 83 seconds of a tape," Woodstock Police Chief Byron Kelly said.  &#13;
But, judging from the videotape, Kelly said, "I would have thought they were guilty." &#13;
&#13;
Woodstock Attorney Tom Zonay agreed. A former police officer, Zonay believes the officers used excessive force against Rodney King.&#13;
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"I am a believer that you have to respect the system and the system sometimes makes decisions that many people are not pleased with," Zonay said.&#13;
&#13;
Slate Police Lt, Bruce Lang said this week that "All of us are shocked at the verdict" Lang said the verdict "sends a signal to the public that police officers can get away with that activity. There was no excuse for that." &#13;
&#13;
An all-white jury last week acquitted the officers of beating King in March 1991 following a high-speed chase. An amateur videotape of the beating was shown on television stations across the nation, creating an outcry over the tactics police used to subdue King. &#13;
&#13;
The verdict led to an orgy of rioting and looting in Los Angeles last week, resulting in the deaths of 58 people. &#13;
&#13;
Demonstrations were held in other cities across the United States. These demonstrations sometimes turned into in riots. Locally, a demonstration was staged by students at Dartmouth College. &#13;
&#13;
Michael Mello, a criminal law professor at the Vermont Law School, said the verdict was the result of the trial's location being moved from Los Angeles to Simi Valley. &#13;
&#13;
While Mello agreed with changing the trial's location, he said Simi Valley was' a poor choice because of its overwhelmingly white population. He said the jury should have been picked from an ethnically diverse area. &#13;
&#13;
Mello said the population of Simi was comprised of middle class whites who had fled Los Angeles. The jurors, according to Mello, were more inclined to believe a police officer than a victim of police brutality.&#13;
&#13;
Mello cases with the media. In this instance, however, Mello said "This verdict sickened me as a lawyer and as a citizen." &#13;
Lang, said he too, was surprised that an all-white jury had been picked to decide the case. "I just don't understand that, especially in an area like Southern California," Lang said. &#13;
&#13;
Lang has been a police officer in Vermont for 15 years. In that time, he said he has never seen a single case of police using excessive force against anyone. As commander of the Bethel Barracks for the past five years, Lang has only received one complaint about an officer using excessive force to apprehend a suspect. &#13;
&#13;
Lang said the person who made the complaint was not the defendant in the case. Lang investigated the complaint and found that the officer was justified in using his nightstick to apprehend the suspect.&#13;
&#13;
Lang added that Vermont Slate troopers are taught never to strike defendants above the shoulders. &#13;
&#13;
U.S. Rep. Bernard Sanders criticized the 11-year Reagan- Bush presidential "reign" as the underlying cause behind the riots that resulted from the verdict. &#13;
&#13;
"During the same period as' the rich were getting richer, lower-income black workers saw their wages drop by 50 percent. The percentage of qualified his statements, saying that besides the videotape, he did not know what other evidence was presented to the jurors. &#13;
&#13;
For this reason, Mello said, he usually declines to discuss African-American fathers who did not earn enough at their jobs to keep their families out of poverty jumped from 25 to 40 percent,” Sanders said. He called for a “fundamental change in national priorities.&#13;
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END OF THE LINE: Los Angeles police form a line to prevent a crowd from going into a building Thursday. National Guard troops moved in Thursday to seize control of neighborhoods torn by riots.</text>
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&#13;
But Mello, who teaches criminal procedure and said he specializes in “the general issue of regulating police behavior,” was nonetheless surprised Wednesday when a jury found four Los Angeles Police officers innocent of charges in the beating of motorist Rodney King.&#13;
&#13;
“I was stunned by the verdict,” Mello said Thursday. “My jaw just dropped. When I had heard earlier that they were deadlocked on all counts but one, I had assumed that they were ready to convict.”&#13;
&#13;
Mello’s personal reaction to the jury’s decision was tempered, though, with a professorial view of the jury’s job.&#13;
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“On the other hand, you had an all white jury making those credibility judgements.”&#13;
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