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              <text>The Mary Washington College Judicial Court has upheld the “due process Clause of the Student Handbook. In a decision rendered Sunday night, the Court found freshman Anne Knight guilty of a visitation violation but dismissed the charges on grounds that she was not advised of her rights.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Bullet reporters and artists were invited by Ms. Knight to cover the proceedings. This is the first known Judicial trial at MWC to be covered by the press. According to the Student’ Handbook, a defendant has the right to request an open trial. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Ms. Knight was accused of having a male guest in her Mason dorm room on two different occasions in one day without signing him in. Charges were brought by Mason Judicial Representative Gail Warren. Witnesses called by the prosecution were Margaret Corcoran and Yvonne Walbroehl, the defendant’s suitemates, and Ann Hodgson, junior counselor. All claimed to have seen the male, whom Ms. Knight identified as her boyfriend. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The trial began with the judicial representative’s account of the case. In response to the defendant’s claim that her right to due process was violated because she was not informed of their rights, Ms. Warren testified that “I didn’t inform her of her rights.” When questioned by defense counsel Michael Mello, she stated: “I forgot.” The defense cited this procedural error as a basis for dismissing the case. A second error concerned the defendant’s right to privacy. Ms. Warren stated in answer to questions by defense counsels Mello and Gary Webb that one Vanessa Martin, who was not otherwise involved in the case, was present when Ms. Warren told Ms. Knight the date, time, and place off trial. Ms. Warren claimed that the presence of Ms. Martin did not violate the defendant’s right to privacy. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In her statement, Ms. Knight admitted that her boyfriend was indeed present in the room. However, Ms. Knight argued [t]hat Ms. Warren’s procedural errors invalidated any charges. Ms. Knight cited the Student Handbook, the Student Bill of Rights, and the S.A. Constitution as documents guaranteeing the right of “due process.” The defendant stated that the responsibility for following correct procedures lies with the judicial representatives. Ms. Knight challenged the Court by saying, “the judicial system of Mary Washington College is on trial here and the question is simply: is that system willing to abide by its own rules? If not, if officers of that system may trample on the Student Handbook and ignore it provisions, why shouldn’t all students follow its lead?” &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Although the accused based her defense on what some termed a “technicality,” she noted that, “What is being overlooked in these attacks on procedural ‘technicalities’ is the realization that, over the long pull of centuries, these requirements have served as gradually accumulating building blocks to form our most effective barrier against arbitrary governmental deprivation of our civil rights.” Thus, she concluded, “. . . but one remedy exists to deter future violations of The Handbook directions by dormitory officers. That remedy is the same one that the federal court system uses in similar circumstances: The nullification of convictions that are obtained in cases in which gross procedural errors occur.” &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The court deliberated for approximately 20 minutes. When the court reconvened Chairman Jane Daniels read the verdict: “Unanimously guilty of a visitation violation. However, we are dismissing the charges on the grounds that you were not advised of your rights. This is by no means a reflection on the entire judicial system. It is because of the incompetency of one judicial official. A new system for appointment for residential Judicial chairmen had been established to alleviate this problem.”</text>
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              <text>BOV Adopts Dalton Plan&#13;
TUESDAY, APRIL 25, 1978&#13;
By MICHAEL MELLO&#13;
In a recent resolution, the Board of Visitors of Mary Washington College reaffirmed the College's "commitment to the principle of affirmative action and equal educational and employment opportunity banning discrimination against individuals on the basis of race, color, religion, physical disability, national origin, political of filiation, marital status, sex age" &#13;
The resolution, passed by the Board in closed session on Saturday, April 15, also stated that Mary Washington would make "every good faith and reasonable effort to achieve the objectives," outlined in Virginia Governor John Dalton's desegregation plan. MWC is the third school in Virginia to ratify the plan. &#13;
There are presently 41 Black students enrolled at Mary Washington College, an institution with a total student body of 2,369. The College has no fulltime Black faculty members, though one part-time instructor and one visiting lecturer are Black. The new desegregation plan calculates that MWC should enroll 19 incoming Black freshmen in the fall of 1979 (compared to the eight enrolled last fall; ) this figure would be increased to 39 new Black admissions in the Fall of 1982. &#13;
College officials cite several possible reasons for these low figures in spite of MWC's long-standing policy of non-discriminatory admissions and hiring. A. Ray Merchent, College Vice President and Affirmative Action Officer, suggests two factors that might mitigate against Blacks choosing to matriculate at MWC. First Mary Washington is a single purpose institution, a liberal arts college. Merchent notes that "realistically, I don't think liberal arts colleges today are as popular as they once were… some of the institutions with multi-purposes and multi-programs with a wider range of offerings may tend to be more appealing to a higher number of students." Secondly, Merchent feels that MWC's extremely high percentage of female students is a factor. He suggests that we "look at it from the point of view of a Black student. A Black female student here has very few social opportunities with members of the opposite sex of her own race… Imagine yourself going to an institution that is 98.3 percent Black." Mary Washington is presently 98.3 percent White. &#13;
H. Conrad Warlick, Dean of Admissions and Financial Aid, also felt that Mary Washington's institutional arrangement might mitigate against Blacks applying for admission: "We are not a technical school. We do not offer programs that are of short duration that lead to immediate jobs that therefore lead to immediate income. We are not a professional school… Black students as a group have been more interested in professional and technically-oriented programs than they have been in the 'classic' liberal arts approach that we have here." Warlick cited the lack of a "thriving Black community" in Fredericksburg as a second possible factor. &#13;
He also suggested that Blacks may choose not to attend MWC because the college is situated in a rural setting, noting that the colleges and universities in Virginia with significant Black populations "are apt to be in major metropolitan areas." Warlick suggested that a fourth factor might be the lack of Black faculty members. A fifth, and paradoxial factor, has to do with the aggressiveness of MWC's minority recruitment policies. Warlick noted that Mary Washington has long been at the forefront of affirmative action, leading other Virginia schools. When "we were actively recruiting Blacks and they (other schools) weren't, our job was easier. When they became more aggressive and initiated well financed recruiting efforts that complicated our lives. It has simply become more competitive." &#13;
There are no simple answers to the problem of the low Black enrollment at MWC, says Warlick. He emphasizes the complexity of the entire process, comparing it to the intricate patterns of a Persian rug.&#13;
The matter of recruiting Black faculty members is equally complex. Vice President Merchent sees the problem as being basically economic: "we have had many very qualified Black applicants. We have offered positions to them, but we are not competitive enough salary wise. Several of them really want to come, but if you can get $3,000 or $4,000 somewhere else, you'll go there." James H. Croushore, Dean of the College and a key man in the selection of faculty, agrees that salaries are a "major factor," but he suggests a possible second reason as well: "the kind of institution. Certain candidates might not be interested in a small liberal arts environment."&#13;
These are the problems, the impediments to increasing the number of Black students and faculty members at Mary Washington College. The Dalton desegregation plan is hoped to be a solution. &#13;
The new Virginia desegregation plan, officially known as "The Virginia Plan for Equal Opportunity in State-Supported Institutions of Higher Education," has to date been approved by three schools: George Mason University, the University of Virginia and Mary Washington. In a statement last month Governor John Dalton said, "the plan is simply an ex-tension for the next five years of what we have been doing for the past four years to make equal opportunity in higher education a practical reality." The plan itself has basically seven parts. &#13;
First Virginia's two predominantly Black Colleges—Norfolk State and Virginia State—will be given priority in the creation of new programs. Dalton also agreed to ask the 1979 General Assembly for financing to make the Eminent Scholars program available to these schools; the Governor hopes that this will "attract more white faculty members" to these institutions. Second, in order to increase the number of Blacks in presently predominantly White colleges and universities and the number of Whites in predominantly Black institutions, Dalton agreed to ask the General Assembly for "aid grants of $1,000 each for gifted Black and White high school students who attend institutions which have heretofore been attended predominantly by the other race." These funds are non-need based. They are essentially incentive grants. &#13;
Third, the State Council of Higher Education has increased by 33 percent the funding of summer programs for deserving Black students. Fourth, a study will be made of why minority students at community colleges do not choose to study at four year institutions. Fifth, Virginia's Equal Employment Office Coordinator will conduct on-site reviews of the present hiring practices of state-supported institutions of higher learning. The governor has said that "the state will work to-ward the objective that the proportions of people hired to fill faculty and administrative vacancies will not be less than the proportion of minority members with proper credentials in</text>
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              <text>The article cuts off mid-sentence during the explanation of the fifth step of the Dalton Plan</text>
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              <text>Students survey damage caused by last week's collapse of the curtain traveller in G.W. Auditorium, seconds before dancers were due to appear onstage. </text>
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              <text>For the first time in Mary Washington College History, the student body here has a basic Bill of Rights: The Bill, a five-section Article within the Student Association Constitution, was overwhelmingly ratified in the campus-wide election last Tuesday. At last, we have a reasonably clear, lucid, and explicit statement of exactly what our rights are. The Constitutional Revision Committee, President Woodard, and the student body are to be commended. But the work must not stop here, for the Bill of Rights ratified last week is not perfect. While certainly a tremendous improvement in the SA Constitution, the Bill does have serious limitations which will hinder its effectiveness. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The most glaring problem is simply that the Bill is an Article in the SA Constitution. The SA Constitution applies only to the Student Association; it in no way constrains the Administration from ignoring the provisions of the Bill of Rights. The Bill represents progress: now at least the elements of the student government cannot constitutionally violate our fundamental rights. But often it is the Administration, rather than the SA, that encroaches on the rights of students, and here the Bill offers no protection. Some of the provisions in the Bill seem hardly to concern SA activities at all. How, for example, may Executive Cabinet, Senate, or Judicial Court “abridge the rights of students to freedom of religion … or peaceful assembly?” How often does the SA search dormitory rooms? These matters fall within the jurisdiction of the Administration, not the Student Association. Further, the clause in the Bill guaranteeing “due process” to students accused of judicial infractions only applies to student judicial trials; Dr. Woodard insisted that the crucial word “student” be inserted in the provision. Thus, the “due process’ clause does not apply where we perhaps need it the most—in Administrative Hearings. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The Section of the Bill pertaining to student clubs is worse than useless; it may even be detrimental. The Constitutional Revision Committee originally suggested that the provision should state that “organizations may be established for any legal purpose. Affiliation with an extramural organization shall not, in itself, disqualify the institution branch or chapter from institutional privileges.” But this was unacceptable to Dr. Woodard, and after discussion the Committee and the President agreed on the following: “Clubs may be established for any legal purpose consistent with the policy of the college. Any such organization shall not be denied membership into ICA, should it desire it, without justifiable reason.” &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;These two statements are radically different. One provides that students may form any legal organizations they want on campus; the other qualifies this by saying that now the club must be “consistent with the policy of the College.” In other words, clubs which the Board of Visitors, through Dr. Woodard, feels are “inconsistent with College policy” may not organize on campus even though their purpose may be perfectly legal and student interest in them great. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;There are, of course, other limitations on the Bill of Rights. The right of “due process,” now guaranteed to students accused of judicial infractions, does not yet apply to Honor trials. (In fact, defendants in Honor trials do not even have the right to remain silent: the Handbook states that “the accused must answer all questions directed to him.”) Finally, there is no provision in the Bill guaranteeing that the rights of students shall not be denied on account of sexual preference. Having said all of that, one point must be re-emphasized: even with its limitations and ambiguities, the Student Bill of Rights represents progress. It represents progress because it is better than that which is replaces—a nebulous, undefined, generally-agreed-upon notion of what our rights were. Now we know. MAM</text>
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              <text>The verdict in the Anne Kight judicial case brings to the Mary Washington College judicial system a principle that has long been at the core of the federal court system: the principle that violations of the rights of students accused of judicial offenses, the violation of "due process," is in itself grounds for the invalidation of an entire case. Anne Kight was guilty; she did violate the visitation regulations. But because she was not read her right prior to the questioning, as is required by the Student Handbook, she received no penalty for her offense. In the words of the court, "we find you unanimously guilty of a visitation violation; however, we are dismissing the charges on the ground that you were not advised of your rights." &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The impact of this case on Mary Washington College is impossible to determine. Since the College judicial system does not employ the concept of precedents in its handling of individual court trials, the Kight decision can hardly be seen as setting a legal precedent. However, this decision certainly does establish a de facto precedent and may pave the way to making the "rights of the accused" a reality at Mary Washington College. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;This case brings the MWC judicial system more in line with the federal system. Both systems demand trial by peers; both have extensive appeals procedures. But most importantly, both have the power to impose serious penalties. When errors in procedure (such as occurred in this case) occur in federal court, the case against the defendant is invalidated. When a prisoner is not read his rights, the case is thrown out of court; when evidence is obtained illegally, the case is thrown out of court. The reason for this is simple: it is the only way to guarantee that the rights of the accused are protected throughout the critical initial stages of the judicial process. Anne Kight summed it up: "there is only one remedy to deter future violations of The Handbook directions by dormitory officials. Only by throwing these cases out of court can this court impress upon careless of overzealous dormitory officials that violation of The Handbook will do them no good. If the officials are made aware that failure to observe Handbook requirements will result in the voiding of the entire case, they will take those requirements much more seriously than they did in this investigation." This perhaps will be the over-riding significance of the Kight decision: no the rights of the accused must be observed. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;This decision must not be interpreted as any kind of license to commit visitation violations. On the contrary, it must be remembered that Kight was found guilty, though the sentence was suspended. The decision is directed more towards judicial officials than towards individual offenders. The message to offenders is as clear as ever: you will be caught, tried and punished. But now the message to dormitory officials is equally clear: you have an important responsibility, and you must fulfill it. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The Kight decision had defined "due process." Defendants in judicial trials are guaranteed "due process" by the SA Constitution, by the Student Bill of Rights, and by the Statement of Rights and Responsibility of Members of the College Community. A precise definition of "due process" is difficult; the Supreme Court Justice Moody once wrote that the phrase is "elusive of exact comprehension." But the Court apparently agreed with the defense that "certainly it requires, as an absolute minimum, that the established investigative and judicial safeguards than guarantee our fundamental liberties must not be abridged by over-zealous law enforcement officers." Due process is precisely that: a guarantee that the duley established judicial procedures must be followed.</text>
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              <text>No student should graduate Mary Washington College, particularly with a non-math or science major, before taking a course in logic. Further, the class should be taken as early in one’s career at MWC as possible; outside of Writing Workshop (which is in part of logic class), I can think of no other course more helpful in general academic life. In this editorial, I shall address two questions. First, what is logic? Second, why is it valuable?&#13;
&#13;
Logic is the understanding of reasoning or, in the definition of Webster’s New International, “the science that deals with the canons and criteria of the validity of thought and demonstration.” Logic, in short in the study of correct thinking.&#13;
&#13;
Correct thinking is a powerful tool to have in any endeavor. The person with the ability to recognize and avoid errors in reasoning will be able to think more clearly and correctly, whatever the subject under analysis might be. Thus, logic has tremendous practical value; as Henry Ruf wrote in the “Chronicle of Higher Education” in 1976, “A person who can analyze problems down to their significant components; who can cut through rhetorical irrelevancies and identify the true structure of an argument and evaluate its worth; who can recognize conceptual confusion in himself and in others and who can supply conceptual clarity; who is trained to think things through; who can uncover presuppositions and hidden assumptions—of such a person any education institution many be justly proud. Even in the outside world with all of its social, economic, and political lunacy, such a person is eminently marketable.”&#13;
&#13;
Logic is particularly helpful within the the context of Mary Washington College. It is certainly crucial in the study of history, the field with which I am most familiar. There is, of course, nothing intrinsically logical about any particular event or series of events in history; it is meaningless to say that the Civil War or Progressivism is or is not “logical.” What must conform to the rules of valid reasoning is the historians’ analyses and conceptualization of those events; too often, the student of history is willing to draw improper inferences from the available evidence and to commit logical fallacies in the presentation of his argument. This is equally true in psychology, sociology, political science, English and any other field that involves the formulation and development of arguments and theses.&#13;
&#13;
The study of logic is at the heart of a liberal arts education, a course of study that attempts to inculcate a general set of orientations rather than the transmission of a given amount of technical knowledge. Harold MacMillan, in a speech he gave at Oxford, put it well: “Gentlemen, you are now about to embark upon a course of studies which will occupy you for two years. Together, they form a noble adventure. But nothing that you will learn in your studies will be of the slightest use to you in afterlife—save only this: that if you work hard and intelligently, you should be able to detect when a man is talking rot, and that, in my view, is the main, if not the sole, purpose of education.”</text>
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              <text>As I write these words, the fate of PROMETHEUS is still undetermined. The bi- weekly publication plans to print one more issue before the end of this academic year, but for my purposes their success or failure in this endeavor is irrelevant; even if PROMETHEUS is unable to print one last time, even if it does not publish in future years, PROMETHEUS has left its mark on MWC. My aim here is two- fold: 1) to briefly discuss what PROMETHEUS was to me and 2) to gauge the publications' accomplishments and judge its impact on the campus.&#13;
&#13;
PROMETHEUS never detailed its goals or objectives in print; the closest it came to making explicit its editorial policy was a brief note in the first issue. PROMETHEUS said its "purpose is to provide a forum for discussion of various topics of interest." But PROMETHEUS to some extent patterned itself after the national magazine SKEPTIC; the latter described itself as, a "a forum for contemporary history . . . Our intention is not to persuade you to believe in any one point of view. What we strive for is a complete spectrum of opinion. From the right. From the left. From the center. From Presidential candidates. And Marxist economists. From those in power. And those still seeking it. We truly believe that only this kind of open debate in- print can illuminate the issues that will be crucial to the destiny of our country over decades to come." This, to me, was the ultimate goal of PROMETHEUS: to serve as a vehicle for debate; a framework for the expression of diverse student views on the issues that affect their lives.&#13;
&#13;
The staff of PROMETHEUS put a tremendous amount of effort into each issue of their publication; schoolwork was neglected, friendships often became strained, and other relationships suffered. Was it worth it? In the final analysis, what PROMETHEUS accomplished?&#13;
First, PROMETHEUS provided an outlet for student views an outlet for student which THE BULLET had in recent years ignored: day student complaints, homosexuality, student- professor affairs,student power (or the absence of it), the competency of dorm mothers, and civil disobedience. PROMETHEUS was also the first to publish an eyewitness account (and criticism) of an Honor trial. This year's BULLET staff probably would have dealt with these issues anyway, but the fact remains the PROMETHEUS did it first.&#13;
&#13;
Secondly, PROMETHEUS served as a watch- dog for the BULLET, forcing the latter to be ever alert and poised lest the ragtag "underground" press scoop the official MWC newspaper. Although the two papers ostensibly operated within seperate contexts (one being a full- fledged newspaper, the other a forum for the expression of opinions), a subtle sense of competition always existed between them. And this sense of competition kept each publication on it toes; one tends to be more careful when he knows that someone else is double- checking his work and looking over his shoulder for flaws in his facts or logic. The end result of this was two- fold: a better PROMETHEUS and a better BULLET. &#13;
&#13;
Thirdly, the creation-- (literally) from scratch-- of a new publication was an invaluable experience for the founders and later staff of PROMETHEUS. None of the founders had had any extensive previous exposure to all the myriad aspects of journalism at the beginning , but circumstances forced them to learn writing, editing, layout, advertising, and distribution quickly. It was a hell of an experience. And for a while it was even fun.&#13;
PROMETHEUS failed, of course, in its primary stated object: it never became a forum for debate. For a debate must must have at least two opposing views and PROMETHEUS never did. In its seven months existence, PROMETHEUS only received one letter and one article in response to anything it ever printed: the letter was in reply to a cartoon ostensibly published "in fun" and the article was written by a member of the PROMETHEUS editorial board. Those who took interest in the issues raised in the "underground" paper chose to reply in the BULLET rather than PROMETHEUS, and for a good reason: if you have something to say, why say it in a publication which was not able to legally distribute on campus, and prints only 500 copies per issue when you say it in the "legitimate" paper which prints 2,800 copies per issue? Thus, ironically, PROMETHEUS itself never became one. But the "other paper" served a far more important function: it was a stimulus for debate. PROMETHEUS raised questions , which made people think, and in an academic community, that is a considerable contribution.&#13;
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              <text>The Constitutional Revision Committee has recommended that the new SA Constitution should contain a Student Bill of Rights, which would be the "standard by which the Student Association shall formulate and conduct its policies." The committee's proposal, which has been approved by President Prince b. Woodard, will be on the March 28 ballot in the campus-wide elections.&#13;
The Bill of Rights, as prepared by the committee, contains five sections:&#13;
1) The SA shall take no action which "abridges the rights of students to freedom or inquiry, of religion, of speech, of press, of peaceful assemblage, or petition…the rights of students shall not be denied or abridged on account of race, color, religion, physical disability, national origin, political affiliation, marital status or age."&#13;
2) Students are to be "secure in their persons, houses or living quarters, papers, and effects against unreasonable searches and seizures."&#13;
3) Students accused of judicial infractions are entitled to "due process," which is defined as "notice to the accused of the nature and cause of the charges and a fair hearing which shall include confrontation of witnesses against him…the right to a speedy and public trial, to have ample time to obtain witnesses in his behalf, and to have the assistance of counsel for his defense…no student, in any judicial case, shall be compelled to be a witness against himself."&#13;
4) Student "clubs may be established for any legal purpose consistent with the policy of the College."&#13;
5) The "student media is to be free of censorship. The editors and managers shall not be arbitrarily suspended by the Student Association because of disapproval of editorial policy or content registered by members of the student body, faculty, administration, alumni or community. This freedom entails a corollary obligation under the canons of responsible journalism and applicable regulations of the FCC."&#13;
The concepts embodied in the Bill of Rights were first presented to the committee by Eric Wootten at a March 13 meeting.  Wootten's proposals, with minor changes, were unanimously ratified by the committee on March 15. The Bill was presented to President Woodard for approval the next day. Woodard replied that at least three changes would have to be made on the Bill before he would grant it his sanction. First, an ambiguous clause dealing with the search of dormitory rooms would have to be omitted. Second, the phrase "no student in any judicial case…shall be deprived of due process" must be cahnged to "no student in any student judicial case…shall be deprived of due process." This modification was necessary, asserted Kathy Mayer (chairwoman of the committee),  because the Constitution applied only yo the S.A. It could not deal with Administrative judicial practices.&#13;
Thirdly, the clause pertaining to student clubs and organizations was radically altered. Originally the statement provided that "Organizations may be established for any legal purpose. Affiliation with an extramural organization shall not, in itself, disqualify the institution branch or chapter from institutional privileges." After changes the amendment states: "Clubs  may be established for any legal purpose consistent with the policy of the college. Any such organization shall not be denied membership into ICA, should it desire it, without justifiable reason."&#13;
The revisions committee met for one final time on March 16 and worked out a compromise which was acceptable to all concerned, including President Woodard. Woodard gave his final approval on the modified Bill of Rights on March 17 in a morning meeting with S.A. President Kathy Mayer.&#13;
The student Bill of Rights is only one of many Constitutional changes which the committee is recommending. Other major changes in the existing Constitution include: 1) The Judicial Chairman would appoint upperclass as well as freshmen Judicial representatives. These officials are presently elected by the residents of the dormitory. 2) Executive Cabinet members would no longer be exofficio members of the Senate. 3) The Presidents of both Residential Council and the Day Students Association would attend Executive Cabinet meetings "on a regular basis." 4) The matter of Senate districts was clarified. 5) Chairmen for the standing committees of the Senate, who are presently elected, would be appointed by the President of the Senate subject to the approval of the Senate as a whole. 6) A system of S.A. bylaws would be established. 7) The quorum needed in the Senate to transact business would be replaces with a procedure whereby any number of senators present could conduct business. But a majority vote of the total membership would be needed to approve any legislation.&#13;
The Constitutional Revision Committee, which was composed of Mark McCoy, Bernard Skibinski, Barbara Stammerjohn, Susan Maloney, Kathy Mayer, Cindy Reeves and Laura Buchanan, first began its work almost a year ago. Mayer noted that she felt the completed document "was a definite improvement over the present Constitution." "We tried," said Mayer, "to deal with all of the major issues that came up this year: Alternative Theater Company, the West-moreland Four, the Bill of Rights. It was a long haul but the finished product was worth the effort."&#13;
&#13;
Tuesday, March 21, 1978.</text>
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              <text>David Grave’s “Viewpoint” (Bullet, September 26, 1978) regarding Mark Madigan’s “Viewpoint” of the previous week deserves comment. I don’t know if the entire thrust of Grave’s piece was a response to Madigan, but that was the impression I got. In this Viewpoint, I will be operating under that assumption.&#13;
&#13;
Graves begins by chiding Madigan for “name calling and taunting,” but then he turns right around and terms Marks perspectiveonthe issue grass “irresponsible” and “immature.” This would not detract from Graves critique of Madigan if the latter was in fact guilty of name calling (two fallacies don’t make a right, as the old saying goes). But the fact is that Madigan did not call anyone in his “Viewpoint” any names; he did not write that the Administrative position on the grass issue “seems to many to students to be rather hypocritical,” but within the context of Madigan’s argument, this statement is perfectly correct and justified.&#13;
&#13;
The bulk of Grave’s “Viewpoint” seems to be an analyses of “power.” This discussion confused me, probably because I have taken too few classes in the Poli-Sci department. If I am totally missing the point I trust that David will bring it to my attention. Graves seems to be saying that only the individual can exercise power over himself: “Only authority can employ any real control over the lives of men. True authority rests only within oneself… When you get out of jail you can break that same rule again. Only our implicit self authority can ever ‘prevent’ us from doing anything.” There are two problems with this assertion. First it is inconsistent with other points in Grave’s “Viewpoint.” He writes that “One reason why men have repeatedly witnessed large power factions through history is the continued abdication of this personal authority. When individuals forfeit authority and self-discipline, a void in social harmony is created which power factions seek to eradicate by imposing external controls.” Here Graves seems to acknowledge that personal “authority” and “power” (terms that Graves appears to be using synonymously, but never defines) are not the only forces guiding our actions. He recognizes that individuals can abdicate their personal power in return for a corporate identity, and that it is possible to “forfeit authority and self discipline.”&#13;
&#13;
Secondly, while final “authority” might rest with the individual (assuming that one is not a believer in determinism), it certainly appears that individual behavior is influenced by external sanctions and the threat of sanctions. This is the assumption upon which all penalty systems must rest.&#13;
&#13;
Nothing that David Graves wrote in his Viewpoint in any way refuted Mark Madigan’s opinions as expressed in the September 19th issue of the BULLET. Madigan did not argue that the Administration lacked the power to enforce its edicts; he explicitly stated that the rules about walking on the grass “can and still be enforced.” What Mark seems to be challenging is the correctness of these increased penalties, which he sees as being inconsistent with other College policies. It is unfortunate that Graves chose not to address himself to this, the central point of Madigan’s “Viewpoint.”</text>
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              <text>Tuesday, September 26, 1978.&#13;
&#13;
Photo by Paul Hawke.&#13;
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"Toga!" Hamlet House, without John Belushi, will be giving a toga party on September 29. Three of the House "Animals" are shown lounging on the porch of their cage. Pictured are Michael Mello, Skib Skibinski, and Randy Kirby.</text>
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              <text>&lt;p style="margin-bottom:0in;line-height:200%;"&gt;&lt;span style="font-size:medium;"&gt;Part two in a three part series on the Mary Washington College Board of Visitors&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style="font-size:medium;"&gt;The present day Board of Visitors of Mary Washington College was created on April 10, 1972, when Virginia Governor Linwood Holton signed into law Senate Bill 433. This legislation provided for the separation of the College from the University of Virginia and the establishment of MWC as an independent institution with its own governing body: “The Rector and Visitors of Mary Washington College.” The legislation further provided that the Board “shall be subject at all time to the control of the (Virginia) General Assembly.” The twelve members of the Board would be appointed by the Governor, subject to confirmation by the General Assembly. At least nine of the Board's members must be residents of Virginia, and they may serve a maximum of two consecutive four-year terms. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style="font-size:medium;"&gt;The General Assembly gave the Board broad powers: the 1972 law specified that “the Board shall control and expend the funds of the college and any appropriate hereafter provided, and shall make all needful rules and regulations concerning the College; appoint the president, who shall be its chief executive officer, and all teachers, and fix their salaries, and provide for the employment of other personnel as required and generally direct the affairs of the College... fix... the rates charged the students of the college for tuition, fees, and other necessary charges.... have the right to confere degrees.”&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style="font-size:medium;"&gt;There, then, are the broad parameters within which the Board of Visitors must operate. But the Visitors found them too general to serve as a guide for the direction of a College; so the Board, at its organizational meeting in September 1972, approved a proposal that a BOV &lt;strong&gt;Manual&lt;/strong&gt; be prepared which would serve “as the official expression of Board policy... the purpose of &lt;strong&gt;The Manual &lt;/strong&gt;is to give interested persons particularly new members of the Board an insight and understanding of the Board functions and its relationships to the administrative officers.” This &lt;strong&gt;Manual &lt;/strong&gt;is probably the best available insight into operations of the Board of Visitors of Mary Washington College.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style="font-size:medium;"&gt;&lt;strong&gt;The Manual &lt;/strong&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:normal;"&gt;begins with a statement of Institutional Purpose. This declaration of College goals, which was ratified by the faculty in 1970 and re-affirmed by the Board of Visitors in 1973, states that “As a liberal arts institution, Mary washington College is convinced that a broad education in the arts, the sciences, and humanities, complemented by intensive study in a particular field of interest, constitutes an excellent preparation for life and citizenship. The College upholds the values of freedom of inquiry, personal responsibility, and intellectual integrity.” &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style="font-size:medium;"&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:normal;"&gt;The Board of Visitors, as “the governing body of Mary Washington College,” is responsible for the effecting of these goals. To this end, the Board holds a regular annual meeting on the second Saturday of September at the College. At that meeting, the Board elects from its number an Executive Committee, which consists of the Rector, the Secretary of the Board, and two elected Board members. &lt;/span&gt;&lt;strong&gt;The Manual &lt;/strong&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:normal;"&gt;states that “The Executive Committee shall meet upon the call of the Rector. It shall consider all matters referred to it by the Rector or the President, and shall, in the interim between meetings of the Board, be vested with the powers and authority of the full Board and shall take such action as in its judgment is required.” &lt;/span&gt;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p style="margin-bottom:0in;font-style:normal;font-weight:normal;line-height:200%;"&gt;&lt;span style="font-size:medium;"&gt;The Executive Committee, as well as the Board of Visitors as a whole, is presided over by a Rector. The Rector, who serves two-year terms, is “especially charged” with the duty of “wise planning for the future, intelligent and considerate observance of the rights of the faculty and student body, including the preservation of the Honor System, and the maintenance of the independence of the Board.” The Rector presides over all Board meetings; he fixes the agenda and appoints committees (other than the Executive Committee). &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style="font-size:medium;"&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:normal;"&gt;The Board of Visitors has within its numbers a host of consultative committees. The Rector appoints the standing committees (Finance, Building and Grounds, Alumni and Student Affairs, and Academic Affairs), and their chairmen every year at the annual meeting. &lt;/span&gt;&lt;strong&gt;The Manual&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:normal;"&gt; states that the Rector is also “an &lt;/span&gt;&lt;strong&gt;ex officio &lt;/strong&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:normal;"&gt;member of all standing and special committees; the Rector and President may attend, and one or the other is expected to attend, all meetings. No committee is vested with any authority except the Executive Committee... All other committee recommendations are to be presented to the Board or, if appropriate, the Executive Committee.” &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style="font-size:medium;"&gt;The Visitors duties include the selection and appointment of the President of the College, and on February 8, 1974, the Board elected Prince B. Woodard to succeed the retiring President Grellet Simpsori. In a RESOLUTION, the Board stated that Woodard is to “serve at the pleasure of the Board of Visitors... he shall enjoy full faculty status and the rank of Professor of Education. The President shall be the chief executive, administrative and academic officer of the College, and as such, he is hereby directed, authorized and empowered to appoint and employ, upon such terms as he shall think best, such administrative and staff personnel as he shall deem proper for the administration and operation of the College, to fix their duties and functions, and to discharge any such appointee or employee; to receive, handle, and disburse the funds of the College from whatever source derived, and to authorize the execution of, on behalf of the College or of The Rector and Visitors of Mary Washington College, such documents as shall be necessary and proper for the operation of the College, the conduct of its business and the carrying into effect of its programs; to provide for the admission of students, for student discipline, including suspension and dismissal, and for the regulation of the various aspects of student life at the College; to make interim faculty appointments pending formal appointment by the Board; to fix, and from time ti time, to change the curriculum and academic requirements of the College, including those for the granting of degrees, and to authorize and grant degrees in the name of The Rector and Visitors of Mary Washington College; and to exercise such general authority and control over the assets, affairs and programs of the College as shall be desirable for its proper operation.”&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style="font-size:medium;"&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:normal;"&gt;Three more aspects of the Boards operation, as outlined in &lt;/span&gt;&lt;strong&gt;The Manual, &lt;/strong&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:normal;"&gt;are of interest. First, “all communications directed to the Board shall be channeled through the office of the President. All communications from the Board shall be similarly channeled.” Second, “the Board at its discretion or upon recommendation of the President, shall consider appeals which may arise from the administration or operation of the College.” Third, “the minutes of the Board shall be open to inspection of any citizen in accordance with the law.” These minutes may be found in Dr. Woodard's office, and may be inspected by students during regular business hours. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style="font-size:medium;"&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:normal;"&gt;This discussion of the Board of Visitors of Mary Washington College is, of course, incomplete. Board meetings are not open to the general public (to say nothing of students) , so it is difficult to glean a penetrating understanding of what they are, what they do, and why they do it. But we are granted fleeting glimpses; in their &lt;/span&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Manual,&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:normal;"&gt; in their Minutes of their meetings. These glimpses are better than nothing; but they are not sufficient to either give us a real understanding of the Board. &lt;/span&gt;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
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              <text>Editorial: Closed Subjects, Closed Minds&#13;
&#13;
I do not think that a liberal arts institution can do the best possible job of providing a liberal education for the students, unless the institution itself is willing to keep its scope of offerings, its procedures and its policies under continual review…as it relates to Mary Washington, this is a commitment that I…have made.&#13;
Prince B. Woodward 1975&#13;
&#13;
I am opposed and will remain opposed to 23 hour visitation…that's all I have to say about it and that's all I have to say about it in the future…It's a closed subject.&#13;
Prince B. Woodward 1978&#13;
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The attitude of MWC President Prince B. Woodward on extended visitation, as expressed in last week's BULLET, seems to deny the guarantees of an "Open Administration" he made when he became president. Dr. Woodward seems to treat sincere student concern about a major College policy with a disposition bordering on contempt.&#13;
It is not the purpose of this editorial to argue for or against extended visitation. It would not be wise to take a position on the subject until all the data, including the current S.A. poll is in. But one must keep an open mind on the subject until the students, parents, and alumni have expressed their choice. Dr. Woodward seemed to acknowledge this when three years ago he said "…we shall try to always be continually alert to what might be needing changes in both the elements that we offer in the program and way we offer them."&#13;
Why the regression from open-mindedness to dogmatism? Dr. Woodward serves neither his own interests nor those of the College by refusing further comment on such an important issue. Dr. Woodward should give all members of the College community the benefit of his honest opinions on this crucial issue. One of the greatest purposes of any institution of higher learning is the free exchange of ideas. It is time for Dr. Woodward to rejoin the debate over 23 hour visitation. &#13;
GPW&#13;
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              <text>&lt;em&gt;There is a gulf between the Board of Visitors and the students. THE BULLET, by closely examining the Board form in as many different aspects as possible over the period of several weeks, seeks to bridge the gap-the division between the group that holds the most power on campus and the group that holds the least. This inquiry should begin with an examination of the past in the hope of better understanding the present and dealing with the future.&lt;/em&gt; &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;There are two historical lines to trace in the etiology of the current concept of the Board of Visitors her at M.W.C. One begins in 1819 with the founding of the University of Virginia and the other, in 1908 with the creation of the State Normal and Industrial School for women, the first incarnation of the present day Mary Washington College. The two strands come together in 1944 when the passage of the McCue-Randolph Bill brought M.W.C. under the auspices of UVA and separate again in 1972 when Mary Washington College again becomes an autonomous institution. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The Act of the Virginia State Assembly that established the University of Virginia laid down in minute detail the powers, duties and responsibilities of its Board of Visitors: 1) the “erection, preservation and repair of the building, the care of the grounds and appurtenances and of the interests of the University generally” 2) the appointment of a “Bursar. Proctor and all other agents” 3) the “appointment and removal of all professor” 4) the establishment “of rules for the government and discipline of the student, not contrary to the laws of the land” 5) the “regulation of tuition fees and the rent of dormitories” 6) and in general, the direction of “all matters and things which, not being inconsistent with the laws of the land, to them shall seem most expedient for promoting the purposes of the said institution.” The seven members of the Board would be appointed by the Governor, subject to approval by the General Assembly, and they would elect a Rector from among their ranks. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The driving force behind the University was, of course. Thomas Jefferson; and the intellectual foundation of the institution was to a great extent attributed to him. In fact, the portions of the 1819 Act dealing with the B.O.V. were taken verbatim from a report written by Jefferson at Rockfish Gap in 1818. Thus, his views on higher education in general and the Board in particular provide a revealing insight insight into the theoretical framework behind the use of the whole concept of a governing Board of externally chosen nonacademic citizens as the ultimate authority in a university. In a speech on discipline at U.V.A, Jefferson said “the insubordination of our youth is now the greatest obstacle to their education. We may lessen the difficulty by avoiding too much government, by regulating no useless observances, none which shall merely multiply occasions for dissatisfaction, disobedience and revolt by referring to the more discreet of themselves the minor discipline, the greater to civil magistrate.” Specifically of the B.O.V., Jefferson writes in Rockfish Gap Report that “the best mode of government for youth, in large collections, is certainly a desideratum not yet attained with us. It may well be questioned whether fear, after a certain age, is the motive to which we should have ordinary recourse. The human character is susceptible to other incitement to correct conduct, more worthy of employ, and of better effect. Pride of character, laudable ambition and moral dispositions are innate correctives of the indiscretions of that lively age; and when strengthened by habitual appeal and exercise, have a happier effect on future character, than the degrading motive of fear. Harding them to disgrace, the corporal punishment and servile humiliations cannot be the best process for-producing erect character. It will be then for the wisdom of the Visitors to devise and perfect a proper system of government which, if founded in reason and comity will be more likely to nourish, in the minds of our youth, the combined spirit of order and self-respect, so congenial with our political institutions, and so important to be woven into the American character” &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The institution which was in time to be known as Mary Washington College was founded 89 year after the University of Virginia. The General Assembly created the Virginia Normal and Industrial School for Women in Fredericksburg on March 4, 1908 and put it “under the supervision, management and government” of a Board of Trustees, to be appointed by the governor; by and with consent of the Senate.” The Act gave the Trustees the “right …to plead and be impleaded in courts, to receive all gifts, subscriptions, donations…the same to be held, invested distributed or expended for the best use and benefit of the school… and to exercise such other powers and do such other acts which are necessary and proper to accomplish the end for which said school…(was) created. Said trustees shall form time to time make all needful rules and compensation of teachers and employees… and prescribe the preliminary examinations and conditions upon which students shall be received therein.” &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The Board of Trustees first met on April 27, 1908 and elected Rev.Sidney Peters as its first President. Three weeks later, the Board met again and elected Edward Hutson Russell as the first president of the school. Throughout 1909, the Board convened regularly to map out the course that the new school would follow. In December, it approved the contract for the dormitory and a few days later, two of its members appeared before the Senate Finance Committee in Richmond to request appropriations. At the February 21, 1911 meeting the Board elected the first faculty members. Events thus continued under the close supervision of the Board until the new normal school opened in September of 1911. The Board of Trustees was superseded in 1914 when, by order of the General Assembly, control of school was placed under a central Board of Visitors for the State Normal Schools for white women in Virginia. The new Board, which composed of twelve members, on form each congressional district and two form the state and large, had jurisdiction over all four normal schools in Virginia and was given the authority to “manage the affairs of the four institutions (at Fredericksburg, Harrisonburg, Radford and Farmville), appointing officers, teachers and employees.” &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In 1924, the General Assembly changed the school’s status from a normal school to a teacher’s college. It also changed the name of the governing authority: the Virginia Normal School Board became the Board of Virginia Teacher’s Colleges. Edward Alvey, in The History of Mary Washington College, wrote that “the duties and rights of the new board, as enumerated in the new legislation, were almost identical to those of the former board.” &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Control of the college shifted again in 1930 when the General Assembly abolished the Board of Virginia Teachers Colleges and transferred management of the four schools to the State Board of Education. This Board would continue to be the governing authority of the newly created Mary Washington College until it merged with the University of Virginia in 1911. As M.W.C grows so did sentiment to go the last mile and expand into a full-fledged liberal acts college for women. Early efforts to achieve this end had ended in failure in 1932 with Governor Pollard’s veto of the plan, but in 1943 a new governor, Colgate Darden, came out strongly in favor of consolidation. A bill incorporating Darden’s proposals was introduced into the General Assembly and it passed 88-2. It provide that “the supervision, management and control pass from the State Board of Education to the Rector and Visitors of the University of Virginia… that the president of the University of Virginia by the chancellor of Mary Washington College… and its chief administrative officer, and that the title of the chief local administrative office will be that of president.” M.W.C. would remain under the supervision, management and control of the UVA BOV for almost three decades. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;MWC existed as female auxiliary of The University of Virginia. On Monday April 10, 1972, Governor Linwood Holton signed into law legislation that provided for the establishment of M.W.C. as a “complete autonomous institution with its own corporate governing board bearing the name the Rector and Board of Visitors of Mary Washington College. For the first time since 1914, the college was a self governing institute. In this respect the history of our own particulate board of B.O.V begins only six years ago.</text>
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              <text>The pages of the Fredericksburg Free Lance-Star have recently contained a controversy involving John G. Castles, a member of MWC's Board of Visitors, the highest operational decision-making body of the College. Castles is also a member of the four-man Caroline County Board of Supervisors. The controversy arose out of comments he made about the low income residents of Caroline County. The Free Lance-Star quoted Castles as saying, "Even if there were more jobs, I question whether (unemployed) blacks would work . . . Blacks have two preoccupations—recreation and education. They think keeping kids off the streets and giving them a shiny new building will turn them into Phi Beta Kappas. They don't have to foot the bills—it's easy to demand things." Castles, in a letter to the Fredericksburg newspaper, replied that his "comments about unemployed applied equally to blacks and whites" and accused the newspaper of distorting the entire matter. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The issue appears within the context of a three-part series of articles on Caroline County written by Free Lance-Star staff writer Spencie Love. Love, a graduate of Harvard University, wrote in the final segment of her story that the three white members of the Board of Supervisors, "hold similar views on county problems, such as poverty and unemployment, and see the county's blacks—the major victims of both—as largely responsible for their situation." Castles went on to say that Caroline County's industries were, "compatible with the labor force—no one wants to work . . . I think the county would be attractive to (outside) industry, but there's not a reliable work force. Even if there were more jobs, I question whether (unemployed) blacks would work." &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Love also wrote that, "Castles sees the county's blacks as a unified political force—he said that Luther Morris represented the county's blacks, and would 'do anything they tell him to do.' . . . Suggesting that blacks complained more than the 'people paying the most taxes,' Castles concluded that black leadership showed a lack of intelligence and candor." &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Castles, who "prides himself on his candor," was quick to respond to Love's articles. In the March 22nd issue of The Free Lance-Star, Castles wrote that Love "left no stone unturned in an effort to paint the white board members as insensitive, bigoted, plantation owners, lording it over the less fortunate citizens of the community . . . My comments about those who pay little and demand much applies to all races and not just blacks as Ms. Love would have you believe. She knows that my remarks about the emphasis on new school buildings with its lack of results on the learning capacity of its occupants applies across the board. But doesn't it serve her purpose so much better to apply it only to blacks? My comments about unemployed applied equally to blacks and whites, but if put properly in that light wouldn't create animosity, would it? Working blacks and whites have little respect for either race who won't work." &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Castles' letter included a personal attack upon the author of the article series. Castles charges Love with "a communistic distaste for anyone who has the audacity to own property" and suggests that this "communistic distaste" is the result of "a Patty Hearst guilt complex . . . Or maybe her earlier journalistic experience as a reporter for the Afro-American Newspaper" was the cause of her "biased, inaccurate, misquoted, quoted-out-of-context and sensationalistic reporting." Castles further writes that Love, "has done her best to create dissension on the one hand and racial disharmony on the other. (She) obviously thrives on disharmony." Castle Concludes, "as for Ms. Love, the honeymoon in Caroline is over. She has been unmasked for what she really is. A holdover from the civil disturbance marchers of the '60's. Frustrated with no place to march she's turned to the next best thing, the press, and become a journalistic trouble-maker instead of the charging crusader she thinks she is. As The Free Lance-Star has become increasingly more liberal, its coverage of news events has become increasingly less reliable. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In a nine-point rejoinder to Castle's letter, The Free Lance-Star asserted among other things that 1) Castle's "comments on unemployment may have applied, as he contends, to both whites and blacks. However his quote ended: 'Even if there were more jobs, I question whether (unemployed) blacks would work.' " 2) The "series did not depict the white supervisors as 'insensitive, bigoted plantation owners.' The series simply quoted them. Any such inference is Mr. Castles', not ours." 3) Castles' "baseless allegations concerning what he calls our reporters 'communistic distaste' and 'Patty Hearst guilt complex' are not only without foundation but also irrelevant." &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Castles, in a telephone interview, stated that he felt it "incredible that this land-use issue has been presented in such a way as to give it racial over-tones. My comments had nothing to do with race; they applied to whites as well as blacks. There are just a lot of unemployed people who won't take a job even when it's offered." On the school issue, Castles reiterated his point that the problem is more than financial: "you need more than money. You need motivated students, quality teachers, and responsible parents. With those things, you could learn in a barn. Without them, you couldn't learn in the Taj Mahal." &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Castles acknowledged that his attack on Love was partly "personal," but he felt "it was justified. I went to the paper first, but they made no effort to ameliorate the situation. A free press must be a responsible press. Responsibility must go with anything. Castles plans to clarify his position with a second letter to The Free Lance-Star.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Since John Castles is a member of the 12-member MWC Board of Visitors, this issue has sparked much interest among students and faculty of the College. One student remarked that she was "appalled" at his comments. "If this man is a racist, he should not be on our B.O.V. How will this look when we apply for federal funds, having a man on the most important and powerful official body on campus making disparaging public statements about the unwillingness of Blacks to work?" &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Castles was appointed to the Board of Visitors in 1976, by Virginia Governor Mills Godwin. The Board perceives its duties as including "the carrying into effect the statement of Institutional Purpose." This statement states that the College is obligated to pursue its polices "without regard to race, sex, creed, or national origin." The Board is the "governing body of Mary Washington College." &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The Virginia law which created the Board in 1972 listed its duties as follows: "Control and expend the funds of the College . . . make all needful rules and regulations . . . appoint the President . . . and all teachers and fix their salaries and provide for the employment of other personnel as required, and generally direct the affairs of the College."</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;FROM LEFT, Kent Statue University President Glenn A. Olds and Trustee Chairman George Janik answered questions from students, who came to Rockwell Hall, where trustees were having a special meeting Wednesday. Locked out of the corridor leading to the trustees' conference room, about 300 students staged an eight hour unplanned sit-in, demanding to present their views. Olds went out into the hot, crowded hallway to talk to the students after hinges were removed from one of the locked doors. Olds stayed with the students most of the eight hours, leaving at 1 a.m. when the sit-in broke up. Janik talked to the group at 6 p.m. for about 20 minutes after the trustees adjourned. (R-C Photo by Ernie Mastroianni)&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;KSU protest mood recalls 1960 By CHRIS VASCO And KAREN L. SCRIVO                 The chants of the 300 demonstrators were "Stop the Gym" instead of "Stop the War." But the mood at Kent State University Wednesday was the same as it had been in the early May seven years ago - a mood of protest.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The 300 were opposing what they felt was "desecration" of the site of the May 4, 1970 student killings, by a proposed new physical education building.                &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;And, armed with the pledge of fasting by black activist Dick Gregory, until the project is halted and a pledge by activist attorney William Kunstler to return to defend any jailed for trying to stop construction, the 300 occupied for eight hours portions of the administration building, Rockwell Hall.                 &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The sit-in started in a second floor hallway at Rockwell Hall at 5 p.m. Wednesday following the May 4 rally and speeches in Memorial Gymnasium, and a march by about 1,500 KSU students, Vietnam veterans, and Kent State graduates through Kent.                 &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;It ended at 1 a.m. today with Dean Kahler, one of the nine students wounded in the 1970 shootings, reading from his wheelchair a list of eight demands the group had for the KSU administration. No arrests were made.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The group demanded that the Health, Physical Education and Recreation (HPER) Building not be built on the proposed site near the scene of the shootings.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The Demonstrators contented the building site, jutting from Memorial Gymnasium into the hill of the practice football field about 300 feet "desecrated" the area of the killings.                 &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;University officials contend the site is not near the shooting site in the Prentice Hall parking lot. They plan to make aerial photos of the site available for student scrutiny.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Among other demands were future canceling of May 4th classes, "amnesty" for those who missed classes May 4, maintaining the KSU Center for Peaceful Change (CPC), which has recently been threatened with budget cuts, and official naming of four KSU buildings for the four slain students and "justice" for the 1970 shootings.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The group planned a rally tonight, at 9 at an as-yet-undecided location in the Student Center, to discuss the demands further .A rally is also planned for May 12, the date of the next meeting of the Kent State Board of Trustees.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;The Promise of the consideration of the demands by KSU officials, a meeting between several of the demonstrators and trustee Chairman Georg Janik, scheduled for Friday and a public show of strength for the group and its demands were the occupation's tangible results.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The group, consisting of students representing various political groups, KSU graduates, and Vietnam Veterans splintered from the main march group to confront the Board of Trustees, holding a special meeting in Rockwell.                 The group, shouting "Stop the Gym," entered Rockwell, and tried to find the trustees, meeting in executive session. When the trustees couldn't be located, the demonstrators demanded one meet them.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;At 5:45 p.m. President Glenn A. Olds appeared before the students in the second floor hallway which they occupied initially. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The group complained of the building site, and lack of student input in the process.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Olds tried to explain that students were involved in the site selection process, and that the site wasn't near the shooting site. Olds also attempted to answer questions about the proposed CPC cut, saying no final decision had been made.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Olds, who came to KSU following the 1970 shootings with the charge of helping KSU recover, found himself in the familiar setting of a verbal confrontation with students.                 Olds left and brought Janik to the group. Janik told the demonstrators that the site had already been voted upon, but the construction bids were yet to be awarded. Janik said he would welcome student input at the May 12 meeting.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;While the group became loud at times, and some jeers were directed toward the president, the confrontation was orderly. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The 300 demonstrators decided to move to expanded quarters in the first floor advising and orientation center and managed to work open the locked door at 7:45 p.m.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Most doors of Rockwell were locked to avoid the spread of the crowd into administrative offices. KSU police officers had been brought to the scene in the eventuality of a disturbance.                 &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Some members of the group prepared for a long siege by bringing some natural food, fruit juice and water.                 &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;When the group moved to the first floor, and dispatched people to advise the media of the incident, Dr. Dennis P. Carey assistant director of the CPC, attempted to move the demonstration to the Student Center, where scheduled May 4th workshops were taking place.                 &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Carey told the group that he felt a sit-in at Rockwell was a "wrong power move" because it could invite negative publicity, as a "break-in" and would be more effective at the time of the HPER building excavation. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;While Carey said he had experience with demonstration strategy, he was shouted down by various demonstrators, who began talk of an all-night protest.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The demonstrators continually argued among themselves whether to maintain the sin-in until morning. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The group's morale, suffering from the heat was bolstered twice during the incident- once when rumors of a national television mention of the incident filtered to the group, and when Stokely Carmichael, following his 8 p.m. speech, came to Rockwell to address the demonstrators.                 &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;"You've got to struggle, struggle, struggle, struggle, against injustice. Keep the home fires burning," he said, pounding his fist, as the demonstrators leaped to their feet in applause.                 &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Dean Kahler, Vietnam veteran Ron Kovic, also confined to a wheelchair, Bill Arthrell, Alan Canfora and Chic Canfora, all arrested during the 1970 campus disturbances, and Student Caucus members Nancy Grim, Criag Glassner and Scott Marburger were prominent speakers during the eight hours.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Olds, present throughout the occupation, told the group that, as long as the demonstration remained peaceful, the group would be allowed to stay until morning, when classes would resume. He did say the students would be evicted by police in the morning.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Olds ordered KSU police to guard the two main entrances on each side of the building, where about 100 spectators milled about, sang and chanted. No one was to be admitted, or readmitted if they left. The Kent City Police, and the Portage County Sheriff's Office were on alert.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;When discussion finally created the list of demands, and the group was confident its cause had been heard, decided to march out of Rockwell, read the demands and a statement, and disperse. No arrests were made.              &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;"Walk out here, swagger out of here with your chin up high. Reflect upon this heavy, heavy day. Be jovial, be excited," Kovic said as the group was leaving. "For seven years we've been intimidated, and frightened, but we've been reborn," he said as the group Cheered. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Kahler said, "It was a great emotional victory. We've shown that the students at KSU don't have to be shot to achieve our goals and purpose. The truth demands justice, and we urge all to support our demands."&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;And as the door of Rockwell Hall were set to close behind demonstrators eight hours after they had opened to them, President Olds, leaving KSU in September said; "I'm tired. But it seems fitting that I'm leaving the way I came in."&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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              <text>A TIGHTLY PACKED crowd of about 1,500 students, waving red and black flags, marched from the Kent State University campus down East Main Street, left on new S. R. 59, south on DePeyster Street and up East Summit Street in Kent Wednesday afternoon, following the noon campus rally to remember May 4, 1970 when four students were shot fatally on campus by Ohio National Guard bullets. About 100 of the marchers broke ranks and marched into downtown Kent before Kent City Police herded them down South Water Street and back to Summit. The May 4 Task Force had received a parade permit from the city for the planned route on S.R. 59, assuring the city the march would be peaceful. (R-C Photo by Ernie Mastroianni)</text>
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              <text>It is impossible to understand Mary Washington College's recruitment of Black students apart from the entire admissions policy. The affirmative action program exists within and is an integral part of the total recruitment sector of the College; it is not a separate entity. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The recruitment program of MWC begins with "college search." Every year Mary Washington College sends out self-descriptive brochures to 10,000 Virginia and 15,000 out-of-state high school students who meet the basic admissions standards of the College. The College Search Program is a part of the Admissions Testing Program, and MWC receives a list of qualified high school students who indicate interest in pursuing a liberal arts education. Dean of Admissions H. Conrad Warlick observes that this first step in the recruitment process does not take race into consideration: "We are not excluding anyone. We are including everyone in this search." All Virginians who qualify are sent a brochure. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Mary Washington College also participates in state-wide college day and college night activities. MWC was a leader in this program all-inclusive, boycotting high schools that excluded one race or the other. Warlick relates that "Mary Washington said we will not participate in programs that are not open to all students ... we helped turn the screws on school districts that didn't want to include all students." &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Further, representatives of the College visit many individual Virginia high schools. Some of these secondary schools do not have college day functions; Other specially request MWC to make an individual visit. Several of these schools are predominantly Black; for example, this year representatives of Mary Washington visited all Richmond high schools, most of which are predominantly Black. The College also participates in a program sponsored by the National Scholarship Fund for Negro Students and the Richmond public schools. Similar programs for minority are organized in Washington DC. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Outside of Virginia, MWC is represented at many college fairs: large, arena-style programs at which 300 to 400 colleges make a showing. These fairs are often held in urban centers such as Washington, DC, Pittsburgh, and New York. All these efforts, however, can only go so far. Dean Warlick notes that "the student must decide to apply to Mary Washington College." The College cannot decide for them. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Mary Washington College does have control over the second stage of the process: the decision to admit or reject an applicant on the basis of that applicant's qualifications. The College's dedication to non-discriminatory admissions is most obvious at this stage, the stage at which the institution exercises the most control. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The final decision. like the initial decision to apply, is up to the student: only the applicant can ultimately decide to attend MWC rather than other institutions that might have accepted him. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Dean Warlick emphasizes that of these three stages of the admissions process, the "College has control over only one. It's not like busing secondary school or elementary school students from one area of a town to another, where they basically have no choice about where they will go. In the collegant sector, the choice of where a student elects to go or not is the student's. The institution doesn't really have much control."</text>
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              <text>Dear Editor: &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Bullet we got to hand it to you... Thanks for the royal screw. Where do students voice their opinions anymore? We want to commend you for your sensationalism and your success in twisting the facts to fit your fancy. We're glad you've won your awards for journalism- Now, how about working on the reporting that gives you such inappropriate headlines and unfactual articles. We hope you feel a little bit of guilt somewhere in your paper heart concerning the way you've misrepresented the facts, the students, and the administration lately. We thought you'd learn your lesson the first week you misrepresented a story with an outlandish headline that ruined a perfectly good story, but you evidently enjoy "misrepresentation of the truth." (Student Handbook). Let us correct some of your statements since you insist on relying on your own ideas when writing your articles, rather than involving adequate student input ( the people your writing for remember). &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Do we have a representative sample of students on our Bullet staff? &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;We at Madison are growing "weary of our lonely struggle and are beginning to show signs of buckling in the face" of the distorted coverage you've been granting us. Schlimgen and Thompson did not try and "persuade other dormatories to follow the Madison Plan." First of all, there is no "Madison" plan- only one for all the students of MWC. There is no mention of Madison in the entire proposal that you printed up in your last edition. Secondly, we suppose your concept of "persuading" other dorms to follow our example is equal to several of our dorm members visiting several other dorms on campus to explain the proposal and make students aware of its implications. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;We were willing to sacrifice our visitation in order to get our point across and we didn't want to see any other dorm suffer for the same reasons. We made it clear to the administration for the beginning that we wanted to open the problem up to consideration and not hide it away in the corner somewhere. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The residents of Madison did not "falter in their support of the new proposal"- they simply feel that passive resistance and the proper channels are the correct, mature and responsible method of dealing with problems of this nature involving a combination of administrative and student legislatures. Kathy Mayer neither took away or gave back our visitation, Cindy Reeves did both. Miss Mayer was consulted on the matter as any leader is consulted before one of his or her cabinets takes any action. Your "most valuable staffer" also made a blunder in his editorial where he states that Woodard "decides upon the proposal" because Woodard's vote is only one of eight from the administrative board. Agreed, your article is one of opinion and not of facts since it is classified as an editorial, but opinions also need facts to back them up. We also don't think we're talking about "power" in our protests, Mr. Vandever, only cooperation (in our minds) will solve anything in an educative atmosphere. Keep it up Bullet, you're helping to perpetuate the idea that college students are in fact inferior, incompetent, power-hungry immature little kids. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Steven P. Schlimgen, Randal V. Kirby, Paul Hawke &amp;amp; and the Madison 34+1</text>
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              <text>&lt;em&gt;Editor's Note: &lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;If Madison's attempt was not to seize power, and thus influence an administrative decision, the entire episode must be classified as a pointless prank. If Madison residents feel that "proper channels" are appropriate, why weren't these channels explored and exhausted before the existing procedures were so dramatically scorned? Anyone who claims that President Woodard is bound by a vote of the administrative board certainly is not aware of the "facts," and would do well to read the description of the President's powers in Mike Mello's article, "The function of the BOV" (Bullet, April 1, 1978). &lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;Further, Madison did indeed "grow weary of its lonely struggle." The dorm residents originally voted 36-1 to sign in "guest #1, guest #2, etc.," but as their visitation rights became threatened, the vote to continue the struggle dropped to only a 14-11 margin. Twenty-two supporters "buckled" under pressure. Also Kathy Mayer took full responsibility for both revoking and restoring Madison's visitation. It would seem that the only "misrepresentation" of which The Bullet is guilty, is one of not presenting the protesters in the favorable light they desire. &lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;T.J.V. AND G.P.W.&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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              <text>Dear Editor: &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Recently, both THE BULLET and PROMETHEUS have printed articles and letters concerning injustices in the Honor System and violations of the S.A. Constitution. Serious questions were raised by the two publications-questions which should cause all MWC students to become concerned about the effectiveness of their elected representatives. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Mary Washington students have been denied the benefit of an honest and open discussion of the issues; however, for neither S.A. President Kathy Mayer nor Honor Council President Janet de la Concepcion has responded publicly to the changes leveled against them. Does silence imply affirmation? If Ms. Mayer does not feel she is violating the S.A. Constitution by holding office while taking only 10 hours of classes (instead of the 12 required under Article IV, Section 4 of the S.A. Constitution, which states that a member of Executive Cabinet must be a full-time student) she should respond in either THE BULLET or PROMETHEUS. If Ms. de la Concepcion does not believe that under her leadership the Honor Council has been prone to incompetence she should respond publicly. The students have a right to know. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Gary Webb</text>
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              <text>Editor: &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In Ms. Hayes’ recent editorial “MWC Honor-A Call for a Closer Look” (THE BULLET, November 15)she began by discussing the ethics of journalism. Not trying to be picky, but if Ms. Hayes were exercising ethical journalism, she should have submitted the editorial about my article to the publication in which it was printed, Beyond ethics, a further reason why she should not have stated her ideas in The BULLET is that probably many people who read THE BULLET did not see my article at all. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;PROMETHEUS puts out about 500 copies per issue, allowing for “passing around” of any particular copy. Far less than one half the students of MWC actually saw my article in print. To this end, I have received many requests for a reprint of my article as a result of Ms. Hayes’ editorial. I feel that I have suffered an injustice at the hands of THE BULLET through their decision not to print my article, and at the same time to comment upon it. To help clear up any misinterpretations of my expose, I respectfully request that THE BULLET reprint my article “Recent Honor Trial Shows Need for Changes” in full so that everyone may judge my ideas for himself. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In Ms. Hayes’ editorial she was able to pick out of context anything she thought significant. Speaking in Ms. Hayes terms, she has put a “slant” on the issue. Ms. Hayes’ assumption “…the intent of the article was to put under public scrutiny the names of our S.A. and Honor Council President ,” misses the mark. The article was, as stated, to inform students, and since the Honor Council President is so wrapped up in anything the Honor Council does, it is only natural that her name and actions by mentioned due to the fact that she is an Please see page three Letters (Con.) S.A. official with much power and influence. And, as Michael Mello pointed out in his Letter to the Editor of two weeks ago, the accuser “… should have known better.” These reasons do not even mention the fact that any representative of citizens has already put himself on a pedestal to be examined. I merely informed the student body about the trial of Pam Burrows in the way in which I saw it. As to defacing the names of the Characters involved should my speculations be withheld in a free community? &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Ms. Hayes stated in her editorial that my editorial style article was inappropriate, because a news-type article on the trials had not first been published. My article states that there should be provisions made for publishing details of all trials: “An open, public approach to the Honor and Judicial processes would serve as a check on the system and it’s implementers.” &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Outside the college community in courts of law, reporters are allowed to be present at most trials, and to report the details from them. The public has a right to know these details, and the same situation applies to our trial system. Ms. Hayes questioned this application to trials at MWC: “Doesn’t the accuser, as well as the accused have any say as to how the contents of the trials are distributed?” My answer to this question is that neither person has a right to decide what neither person has a right to decide what will be published. The details of the trials by right belong to the public-this is a practice entrenched in the Judicial System of the United States of America. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;If a person has put himself in a conspicuous enough position to warrant a trial or indeed if the person has committed an offense, the public must know who he is so that proper treatment may be affected. As for the accuser, he or she is standing up for the cherished (and legal) Judicial System: thus what possible justifiable reason could an accuser have for remaining incognito? &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Due to the fact that many offenses on this campus are not set down as illegal in the outside world, (an example of this is the curfew law on campus), I propose that we not rely on the unfair system under which we now live, which was devised by legally unsophisticated students of the past. We should model our trial system after a functional and long-lived set of procedure such as the United States Judicial System.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Elliot Wentz &lt;br /&gt;Please see page four</text>
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              <text>Editor: &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Ms. Hayes seems to have misunderstood my letter (November 22, THE BULLET). She writes that “In a democratic society, we should all be treated as equals (referring to both the accuser and defendant before the bar of justice-MM) Right? Apparently not, says Mello ….. Doesn’t the accuser, as well as the accused , have any say as to how the contents of trials are distributed?” &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Yet in my letter, which appeared on the page next to that statement by Ms. Hayes, I wrote: “Personally, I don’t feel that a citizen acquires any additional rights by becoming an accuser. Of course, that same person doesn’t lose any rights either. The fact of the matter is that Kathy Mayer has the same right as Wentz: the right to present her side of the issue in the campus media, if Ms. Mayer chooses to waive this right and remain silent, then that is not the fault of either Mr. Wentz or PROMETHEUS.” &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Ms. Hayes is still troubled by the basic discrepancy in the MWC Honor Constitution, that no rights are granted to the accuser in Honor Trials.” In fact, Ms. Hayes feels that this situation is so serious that if should be “Corrected before further Honor Trials are held.” Yet, once again, Ms. Hayes fails to say what these “rights” should be. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Merely to criticize without offering possible alternatives or solutions seems to me to be idle and unproductive. As Patricia Ringle, News Editor of THE BULLET wrote editorially earlier this year: “If you desire change, it is necessary to do something more than merely expect it to occur. It is only after you offer precise suggestions and more importantly action, that you will experience the benefits of knowing what you have contributed to the improvement. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Michael Mello &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;Editor’s Note: Perhaps Michael Mello would like to have a synopsis of my last Editor’s Note BULLET-Nov. 22) which was written in response to this Letter to the Editor concerning the editorial “M.W.C. Honor –A Call for a Closer Look.” In regard to Mello’s request for the rights of an accuser in an MWC honor Trial, hopefully the following statements will clear up any confusion. It was stated last week that “perhaps Ms. Mayer does not deserve any rights as the accuser.” Maybe she doesn’t. If Mello took the time to read to the end of this paragraph he would have realized that an observation was indeed made concerning the rights of the accuser. What bothered me was that the accuser has no say as to how the contents of an Honor Trials are distributed. Isn’t this right? Perhaps the word “rights” was ambiguous –“right” would have been a better choice.&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt; It certainly seems unfair that Elliot Wentz’s article “Recent Honor Trial Shows Need for Changes” appeared in PROMETHEUS before 90% of the campus had formed an opinion or even heard about the case. The definitive slant this article put on the case, as was stated in “MWC- A Call for a Closer Look,” seems unjust. The concern with the discrepancies pf the M.W.C. Honor Code and the leaders who are supposed to enforce it was the major thesis of my editorial. If the whole editorial was not taken as a criticism of the present Honor Code and the method in which Pam Burrow’s Honor Trial was brought to public attention, then the purpose was defeated. &lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;There is definitely a need of change in the present M.W.C. Honor Code. Thanks to Wentz’s article, these discrepancies are now being studied by the Honor Council. It is enlightening to know that the Code is presently being revised. &lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;A.F.H.</text>
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              <text>Dear Editor: &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;I was particularly struck by your recent comment (THE BULLET, Nov 15) that “a free and responsible press is a vital aspect of the environment. The point is inarguable” I would certainly agree. But THE BULLET is anything but an example of a free press. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;A free press does not operate at the forced expense of its readers, does not use public facilities free of charge as its office of operation and does not have a Board of Publication overseeing its operation. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Each student at Mary Washington is required to pay a mandatory student fee, part of which is used to cover the costs of the publication of THE BULLET. The only revenue obtained voluntarily is that gained from advertisers. To force the citizens of any community (in this case the academic community) to pay the costs involved in the publication of any newspaper is to obliterate that newspaper’s position as an example of free press. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;THE BULLET also uses a room in a public building-Lee Hall-fir which no rent is paid. But taxpayers have been required to provide this facility and thus subsidize the operation of THE BULLET. Forcing any citizen to subsidize in any way a newspaper is to void its position as a free press publication. And to be overseen by a Board of Publications which has the potential of stopping publication (since it is the publisher) or censoring the newspaper is to also negate the possibility of having a free press. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;A comparable example would be the City Council of Fredericksburg to pass a law requiring all people who come to the Fredericksburg community to pay a mandatory citizen fee, part of which would be used to pay some of the cost of the publication of THE FREE LANCE-STAR. Also City Council would provide free facilities to the town newspaper in a city-owned building and set up a Board of Publications made up of members of the City Council and prominent citizens in order to oversee the operation of THE FREE LANCE-STAR. If such conditions existed one could readily see that Fredericksburg would be lacking a free press. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Unlike THE BULLET, PROMETHEUS is an example of a free press since it gains the money for its operations from voluntary contributions or from advertisers, uses its own facilities in which to work (if these are the dorm rooms they have paid rent on and does not have a Board to oversee its operations. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;If you recognize the need for a free press in any environment then it is high time that drastic alterations be made in the operation of THE BULLET so that it may someday become a free press publication. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Thomas L. Johnson &lt;br /&gt;Professor of Biology &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;Editor’s Note: &lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;We recognize that Thomas Johnson is a firm supporter of the abolition of the student activities fees. We surmise that the above letter was precipitated by Johnson’s opinions on the subject. We also realize that we are subsidized by mandatory fees and state aid and that we occupy office space in ACL provided “free of charge.” However, to assert that THE BULLET is anything but an example of a free press” is not a clear statement. &lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;During the time of our work on THE BULLET, we have maintained an open channel for publication despite controversial positions that may have been involved. We have been functioning as a free press with no overt censorship. What reasons exactly, does Johnson hold for questioning our freedom of publication? &lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;Some might feel that THE BULLET is censored covertly or subtly. Though attempts at this type of censorship might occur, THE BULLET is not required to stop the presses or retract any issues we feel are appropriately covered. &lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;We welcome Johnson’s suggestions concerning the “drastic alterations” that he advises. We are interested in his criticism and intend to pursue the matter in order to clarify the issue for ourselves and our readers. &lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;The Editorial Board&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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              <text>Dear Editor:&#13;
Sue Peters made several astute observations in her editorial "The Hopeless Quest for Student Power" (October 18, 1977). She proved that "economic force will not be effective in our quest for authority"; her rejection of violence is equally valid. However, I must disagree with the basic these of her piece: that having a student on the Board of Visitors would not enhance our position vis-a-vis the administration.&#13;
&#13;
Miss Peter's statement that "power is not totally in the hands of the administration" is incorrect. The deans of the college are the administrators that most directly affect our lives, but they are elected by the President: a B.O.V resolution of February 8,  1975 states that "the President shall be the chief  executive, administrative, and academic officer of the College, and as such he hereby is authorized, directed and empowered to appoint and employ, upon such terms as he shall think best, such administrative and staff personnel as he shall deem proper- to fix their duties and functions, and to discharge and such appointee or employee."&#13;
&#13;
So it would seem, at first glance, that the President is the real source of power here; this is not the case, however. He exercises his powers on "behalf of the Rector and Visitors of Mary Washington College."  The President himself is thus only a conduit of power: it is the Board which, according to Section 23-91.40 of the Code of Virginia, has the power to "control and expend the funds of the College... make all needful rules and regulations... appoint the President... and all teachers, and fix their salaries." And yet even the Board is not the final reservoir of campus power. Section 23-91.34 of the Code of Virginia states that the B.O.V.  is "under the control of the General Assembly." The General Assembly created the Board in 1972; it defined its role and powers; it can modify that role anytime it sees fit to do so. THAT is where the final source of power is, not in Fredericksburg at all, but rather, in Richmond. &#13;
&#13;
There presently exists a student organization which has as its purpose the presentation of M.W.C. student views to the General Assembly: the Student Lobby. The Lobby has been extremely active since it was founded; moreover, it has met with much success in its efforts. Recall the HB547 was defeated last year. The specific concept of student representation of the B.O.V. has had its advocates some delegates in the Assembly Representative Ira Lechner introduced a Bill (HB2044) on January 24 of this year, which would have put a student on the Board of all state-supported colleges and universities. The bill provided that "the student member shall have the same powers and duties and shall be subject to the same liabilities as any other member of the Board." The bill was defeated, but perhaps if the entire network of state student lobbies concerted their efforts (as they successfully did with HB547), a similar proposal might fare better in the future. Certainly it seems incorrect to say that "there is no reason to bring up the possibilities of student representation," as Miss Peters did.&#13;
&#13;
She further states that "power is never given, it must be taken." This is certainly true; none will voluntarily surrender power. But it is for this very reason that we must petition the General Assembly. The administration is not likely to give us power parity with themselves; nor is the Board. So we must raise our sights higher and take our case to the delegates in Richmond. They are the only ones who might change the power relationship here by putting a student on the B.O.V.&#13;
&#13;
So the possibility of getting a student on the Board, is not as Miss Peters suggests, impossible. But the question still remains: is it desirable to have a student on that body? She thinks not: "the final goal is power, specifically the power to make necessary changes in our academic environment without capricious veto by the administration. One student on a large Board of Visitors would hardly obtain this power...it would bring us no closer to the final goal of self-determination." I disagree. Having a student on the highest operational governing body of the school would greatly increase our position. It would do so in two ways. Firstly, it would guarantee that at least one student view would be heard; at present, it is too easy for the Board to simply shun student opinions (particularly during deliberation). &#13;
&#13;
The infrequent, limited output we now have with that body which so affects our everyday lives can be no substitute for the guaranteed continuous student input that a student member of the B.O.V. would provide. This would give us power; not the naked, coercive power of the mob, but rather the power of democracy, the power to actively take part in the decisions which affect us. When one group that has been previously totally subservient to another is allowed into the councils of its masters as co-equal, it has gained power.&#13;
&#13;
Secondly, a program like that proposed by Delegate Lechner would give the student member full voting privileges. There are presently 12 members on the Board; a student on the body could be the tie-breaking vote. True, we would only compose 1/3 of the total vote; but our power would still be increased from what it is now. &#13;
&#13;
To take an analogous example blacks compose only 11% of the population in the U.S., yet their acquisition of the vote certainly gave them increased power. Of course this principle followed by its extreme would give the students about 85% of the vote on the Board, faculty about 10% and administration about 5%. But that is a different issue altogether.&#13;
&#13;
Having one student on the B.O.V. would not instantly give us all that we want; it would not give us "self-determination." But it certainly would be a step in that direction. At the very least, it would give us a real voice on the largest conduit of campus power. The thing about Miss Peter's editorial that bothered me the most was that she offered no alternatives of her own. Until something better is suggested, I shall continue to support the principles embodied in HB2044. &#13;
&#13;
Respectfully,&#13;
Michael Mello</text>
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