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                  <text>Michael A. Mello Papers, Series 1 News Clippings, Binder 1, 1976-1979&#13;
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;Time for a Bill of Rights &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The SA Constitution, which is presently under revision, should contain a clear definition of the rights and privileges guaranteed to MWC students. The inclusion of a Student Bill of Rights within the Constitution would have one overwhelming advantage over the present situation by making explicit the rights which we already have. Present ambiguities in crucial aspects of MWC life would be clarified. This Bill of Rights should include the following provision: &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;A. Free inquiry, expression and assembly are guaranteed to all students and shall not be abridged. Discussion and expression of all views is permitted within the institution subject only to requirements for maintenance of order. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;B. The right of students, living in residence halls, to be secure in their persons, living quarters, papers and effects against unreasonable searches and seizures shall not be abridged. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;C. Students have the right to due process of law in all matters concerning discipline or status as members of the College community. No disciplinary sanctions may be imposed on any student without notice to the accused of the nature and cause of the charges, and a fair hearing which shall include confrontation of witnesses against him. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;D. Organizations may be established within the institution for any legal purpose. Affiliation with an extramural organization shall not, in itself, disqualify the institution branch or chapter from institution privileges. Membership lists shall be confidential and solely for the use of the organization except that names and addresses may be required as a condition of access to College funds. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;E. The student media is to be free of censorship. The editors and managers shall not be arbitrarily suspended because of student, faculty, administration, alumni, or community disapproval of editorial policy or content. This freedom entails a corollary obligation under the cannons of responsible journalism and applicable regulations of the FCC. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;F. Students have the same rights of privacy as any other citizens and surrender none of these rights by becoming members of the academic community. These rights of privacy extend to residence hall living. The institution is neither arbiter nor enforcer of student morals. Social morality, not in violation of a public law, is of no disciplinary concern to the institution. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;These provisions were presented to the MWC student body in November, 1970. The Bill of Rights was based on an American Bar Association/Law Student Division report. It was ratified by the students by a vote of 1,447 to 43, only to be shelved by Chancellor Grellet Simpson. The time has come for a re-introduction of a Student Bill of Rights. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;M.A.M.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;H.M.M&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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              <text>Kowalewski, Carolyn</text>
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                <text>Mello, Michael A.</text>
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                <text>The materials in this online collection are held by Special Collections, Simpson Library, University of Mary Washington and are available for educational use. For this purpose only, you may reproduce materials without prior permission on the condition that you provide attribution of the source.</text>
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                <text>Letter to the editor advocating for a Student Bill of Rights at MWC.</text>
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                <text>The Bullet</text>
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              <text>The 981 students who responded to the recent SA poll on 23-hour visitation indicated overwhelming support for “the creation of an experimental dormitory which would operate under a system of 23-hour visitation.” 80.1% of those returning the surveys favored the establishment of such a policy at Mary Washington College, and 58.7% indicated that they personally would live in a dormitory with 23-hour visitation. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;According to poll organizer Eric Wootten, the survey was distributed to the 1669 residential students at MWC. The purpose of the poll, according to its introduction, was to “determine whether students are satisfied with the present visitation policy and, if not, whether the option of twenty-three hour visitation is a desirable alternative.” &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;These results are consistant with the findings of a similar survey conducted by the SA three years ago. 80.1% of those polled in 1975 favored extended visitation hours; this figure is exactly the same as the findings of the recent survey. The percentage of students willing to tolerate the possibility of an “increased security risk” rose 15% since 1975, from 79% to 94%. The percentage of students willing to “occasionally make other sleeping arrangements” under a policy of extended visitation also increased: from 77% in 1975 to 89% today. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Other findings in the poll include: &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;ul&gt;
&lt;li&gt;65% favored and 21.2% oppressed the granting of the 23-hour option to students between the ages of eighteen and twenty-one who are financially independent. 13.3% had no option.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;70.8% favored and 21.9% opposed the granting of the option to students between the ages of eighteen and twenty-one who could secure parental consent. 7.3% expressed no opinion.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;96.6% were aware and 2.0% were not aware that “a system of 23-hour visitation could necessitate the use of…proper dress outside of your room.”&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;84.1% realized and 13.3% did not realize that extended visitation might entail “sharing bathrooms with the opposite sex.”&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;89.2 were aware and 8.2 were not aware that such a policy might necessitate “occasionally making other sleeping arrangements.”&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;94% realized and 4% did not realize that 23-hour visitation could entail “increased security precautions.” Students had a wide range of comments on the question of 23-hour visitation.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;“23 hour would give us the freedom to live like the adults that the College says we are.” &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;“It would put this school into the Twentieth Century.” &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;“It’s totally against the whole purpose of MWC.” &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;“We already have our morals established by the time we get to College. If students are going to have sex, they’ll have it regardless of the visitation policies.” &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;“The visitation system is the most glaring anachronism at this school—an outdated leftover from a bygone time.”&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;“23 hour visitation is ridiculous. We are here for an education, not a total social life.” &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;“If a poor, neurotic girl has to have her boyfriend around 23 hours a day, let them either go to a motel, get married, or make use of Ball Circle. If offers no advantages except for whores and their clients.” &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;“It would allow adults to make an obviously personal decision.” &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;“My husband could visit me at any time.”&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;“The demonstrated maturity of students on this campus does not seem to warrant mush optimism for the success of 23 hour visitation, but I think that I should be given a chance to stand or fall on its own merits.”&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;“Dorm life is as much a part of our learning experience as are classes. We should have the option of as many lifestyles as possible.” &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;“I have friends at schools that have 23 hour visitation, and they have little good to say about that system. Roommate friction is a big problem.” “It is absurd to say that a student is old enough to drink, vote and go to war, but not old enough to chose who should be in one’s room at any time.” “It’s worth a try.!” &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;This recent poll was organized under the auspices of SA Whip Eric Wootten. Wootten commissioned Student Lobby Research Committee Co-Chairman Betsy Bowen in mid-September to conduct the survey. Bowen, who is also Chairman of the Special Projects Committee of the SA Senate, plans to conduct thorough research into the ramifications that 23-hour visitation would have on WMC. This research will include a study of other Virginia institutions of higher learning as well as an evaluation of the state of the Virginia law as it relates to 23-hour visitation. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The results of the survey will be submitted to the Executive Cabinet later this semester for consideration. Wootten said that he plans to poll the parents of residential students, as well as alumni about the question of 23-hour visitation in the near future.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;/ul&gt;</text>
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              <text>Walsh, Eily P.</text>
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              <text>The surveys were conducted by the SA three years prior to the article.  There are also quotes from students speaking about 23-hour visitation rights.</text>
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                <text>Students of Mary Washington College give their opinions on 23-hour visitation rights.  Information is based off of polls taken to see how the students feel.  It tells the reader of what is soon to come based off of the negative opinions.</text>
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                <text>Mello, Michael A.  "569 Would Live In 23-Hour Dorm."  The Bullet, Tuesday, October 17, 1978, News Clippings, Box 1, April 19, 1976-October, 1979, Michael A. Mello Papers, 1957-2008, Special Collections, Simpson Library, University of Mary Washington.</text>
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              <text>	The careful reader will have noticed an odd aspect of the recent debate on homosexuality contained within the letters and “Viewpoint” sections of the BULLET with the exception of the original “Viewpoint” on the issue, no gay student students have participated in that debate. This is not because members of the MWC gay community have nothing to say, nor is it because they do not wish to express those opinions in print; in fact, the BULLET received two letters from MWC homosexuals. But, because the authors of those letters were not yet ready to “come out of the closet” and hence felt that they could not allow their names to appear at the bottom of letters giving first hand accounts of what it is like to be a gay student at Mary Washington College, the BULLET refused to print the letters with “names withheld.”&#13;
	&#13;
       The BULLET has a long-standing-policy of requiring all letters to be signed. The advantages of this policy are obvious and it certainly is not the purpose of this editorial to suggest that it ought to be abandoned or that it should not apply in the great majority of instances. Departures from this policy should not be made lightly, but these two present letters do justify such a departure. Besides offering the gay viewpoint on the question of homosexuality (an important perspective on the issue to say the least), both letters were excellently written and one was so good that it could rightly be called a social document; they both offered insights into this important issue that BULLET readers would have found valuable. Yet it is unrealistic to expect these students to sign their letters, to make that a requirement, to say to them that they must “come out” before they can express their views as homosexuals in the newspaper. This requirement is unrealistic for obvious reasons: in addition to the possibility of conflict with family members at home if they were to know the truth, MWC students who have “come out” in the past have been subjected to harrassment, ridicule and ostracism on campus. Ivy Martin, who declared her homosexuality in 1976 and was branded the “campus queer” from that time until she graduated last May, is the best argument I know against requiring gay students to “come out” in the BULLET before their views as gays may be printed in the school newspaper.&#13;
&#13;
	It is important to note that we are not dealing with unsigned letters here: both students were willing to sign their work. The BULLET Editorial Board would thus have known the identities of the authors; this is crucial for legal purposes and so that the Board could be assured that the writers were indeed MWC students and hence (because of the Honor Code) that they were in fact gay. What the authors of the letters could not allow was for their names to appear in print; the two letters would have appeared with “names withheld.” Many newspapers, including the Fredericksburg Free Lance-Star employ a policy of withholding the names of certain letter writers in rare cases, so long as the newspaper can validate their identity and authenticity. These publications realize that it is unfair and unreasonable to demand that certain individuals sign their work in print. The author of the original “Viewpoint” explained that she refused to subject herself to “the pointing fingers, the jeers, the incrimination of  those who check out what you wear and how you act and wonder ‘HOW COULD SHE?’ No, I‘ll not be MWC’s token gay.” Can we really blame her?&#13;
&#13;
	It may seem that making an exception here is unfair to those who are required to sign their letters. But those two cases are not quite comparable: the great majority of people who write letters to the BULLET can sign them free from the fear that their lives at MWC will be ruined by doing so. This is not the case with these gay students writing as gay students. Once again Ivy Martin is an example of what MWC does to those who do “come out.” Is it really fair to equate a student writing and signing a letter about brick paths with a student writing and signing a letter which begins “as a gay student, I would like to address the present debate on homosexuality”?&#13;
&#13;
	One advantage of pursuing a hard line on the present policy is simplicity: an absolute policy of not withholding the names of any letter writers solves the problem of deciding which letters to except from the general policy and which to reject. Whenever exceptions to a policy are made, the potential exists that the exceptions might become the rule. But there is no reason for this to happen. Withholding the names of these two gay students would not mean that the BULLET would thereafter be obligated to print every unsigned letter it received; on the contrary, the Editorial Board would still have the discretion to deny a letter writer the privilege of having his name withheld in print. As stated at the outset, exceptions to the general policy of requiring letters to be signed in print would only be made in rare cases. The question then becomes one of criteria, where to draw the line in deciding when to allow exceptions.  It is impossible to state precisely what conditions would be excusing, but two standards do suggest themselves. First, the BULLET does not accept letters that violate the laws of libel, and this would be extended to include these “name withheld” letters. Secondly, the writer would have to convince the Board that there is a valid and compelling reason for his inability to sign the letter in print. The present case of the two gay letter writers, in which the destructive ramifications of compelling the author to sign his work in print is obvious, would be a good yardstick to use here. Most importantly, the Board would exercise simple common sense in deciding which letter to print “name withheld.” Common sense is, of course, a subjective concept that defies definition. It is conceivable that members of the Editorial Board could disagree on when it should apply in particular instances, but that is one advantage of having a five-member Board: no single person’s perceptions rule supreme.&#13;
&#13;
	I do not believe that a policy of rare exceptions would create the massive problems that some assert; rather, it would give us the flexibility to deal reasonably with those letter writers who have a legitimate reason for not affixing their names to their work in print.&#13;
	MAM&#13;
&#13;
The Bullet&#13;
Established 1922&#13;
Printed by and for the MWC Community in the offices of the Fredericksburg Free Lance-Star.&#13;
&#13;
Helen Marie McFalls, Editor-in-chief&#13;
Michael Allen Mello, Managing Editor&#13;
Gary Price Webb, News Editor&#13;
John Matthew Coski, Features Editor&#13;
Anita Lynn Churney, Business Manager&#13;
&#13;
The Bullet&#13;
Mary Washington College is an affirmative action equal employment opportunity institution. It does not discriminate against any person for reasons of age, sex, marital status, race, nationality, religion, or political affiliation.&#13;
&#13;
The Staff of the Bullet&#13;
Chief Assistant Editor  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Ruth Spivey&#13;
Assistant Editors . . . . . . Jane Opitz and Laurie Shelor&#13;
Photography Editor . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Paul Hawke&#13;
Assistant Photography Editor . . . . . . . . . .Pam Marks&#13;
Advertising Manager . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Anne Hayes&#13;
Sports Editor . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Candy Sams&#13;
Assistant Sports Editor . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Julie Harrell&#13;
Circulation Managers . .Evelyn Watts, Juanita Grimm&#13;
&#13;
Staff Photographers . . . . . . . . Patty Shillington, Karen Noss, Felicia Mazur   &#13;
Staff--Tracy Hudson, Jean Smith, Betsy Rohaly, Laura Hall, Ann Lambert, Carrie Rebora, Dean Ball, Patrick Thompson, Mary Lee, Cynthia Nash, Mark Madigan, Cindy Goforth, Darla Fjeld.&#13;
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College student newspapers and periodicals.</text>
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                <text>Editorial dealing with the Bullet's decision not to publish two letters by gay students because the students did not want their names printed. The editorial discusses the impact on gay students if their homosexuality is revealed, citing the case of Ivy Martin. It concludes by arguing for a policy of exceptions based on "common sense" and consideration of "valid and compelling reason[s]" to withhold names.</text>
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                <text>Mello, Michael Allen [MAM]. "A Case for Anonymity." Editorial, The Bullet (Mary Washington College, Fredericksburg, VA), November 20, 1978, p. 2.</text>
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              <text>It is impossible to understand Mary Washington College's recruitment of Black students apart from the entire admissions policy. The affirmative action program exists within and is an integral part of the total recruitment sector of the College; it is not a separate entity. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The recruitment program of MWC begins with "college search." Every year Mary Washington College sends out self-descriptive brochures to 10,000 Virginia and 15,000 out-of-state high school students who meet the basic admissions standards of the College. The College Search Program is a part of the Admissions Testing Program, and MWC receives a list of qualified high school students who indicate interest in pursuing a liberal arts education. Dean of Admissions H. Conrad Warlick observes that this first step in the recruitment process does not take race into consideration: "We are not excluding anyone. We are including everyone in this search." All Virginians who qualify are sent a brochure. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Mary Washington College also participates in state-wide college day and college night activities. MWC was a leader in this program all-inclusive, boycotting high schools that excluded one race or the other. Warlick relates that "Mary Washington said we will not participate in programs that are not open to all students ... we helped turn the screws on school districts that didn't want to include all students." &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Further, representatives of the College visit many individual Virginia high schools. Some of these secondary schools do not have college day functions; Other specially request MWC to make an individual visit. Several of these schools are predominantly Black; for example, this year representatives of Mary Washington visited all Richmond high schools, most of which are predominantly Black. The College also participates in a program sponsored by the National Scholarship Fund for Negro Students and the Richmond public schools. Similar programs for minority are organized in Washington DC. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Outside of Virginia, MWC is represented at many college fairs: large, arena-style programs at which 300 to 400 colleges make a showing. These fairs are often held in urban centers such as Washington, DC, Pittsburgh, and New York. All these efforts, however, can only go so far. Dean Warlick notes that "the student must decide to apply to Mary Washington College." The College cannot decide for them. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Mary Washington College does have control over the second stage of the process: the decision to admit or reject an applicant on the basis of that applicant's qualifications. The College's dedication to non-discriminatory admissions is most obvious at this stage, the stage at which the institution exercises the most control. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The final decision. like the initial decision to apply, is up to the student: only the applicant can ultimately decide to attend MWC rather than other institutions that might have accepted him. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Dean Warlick emphasizes that of these three stages of the admissions process, the "College has control over only one. It's not like busing secondary school or elementary school students from one area of a town to another, where they basically have no choice about where they will go. In the collegant sector, the choice of where a student elects to go or not is the student's. The institution doesn't really have much control."</text>
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              <text>Apathy to Action: A Concrete Goal&#13;
&#13;
By Helen Marie McFalls&#13;
&#13;
Change is in the air.  Many recognize the need to move forward.  Numerous people cry out for it.  But few actually act to alter their dissatisfaction with status-quo.  Fortunately for MWC some students have risen above the prominent case of apathy and backed their discontent with action.  The result is a promising, new forum for debate--THE PROMETHEUS.&#13;
&#13;
Last year several members of the student body became dissatisfied with the limited means of communication offered by campus publications.  During the summer plans solidified and the creation of an alternative paper began.  THE PROMETHEUS is not a newspaper recording daily events.  Its purpose is to present controversial issues to the public and in turn to elicit discussion and debate.  The publication will reflect the views of the staff and contributors.  PROMETHEUS welcomes the readers' responses to the issues presented.&#13;
&#13;
When questioned about any threatening motives behind the origin of THE PROMETHEUS, editor, Georgetta Sharman emphatically refuted any rumors that may be circulating.  She clearly stated, "We are not in any kind of competition with THE BULLET."  Mike Mello, a staff member, added that they are not a radical organization out to sensationalize.&#13;
&#13;
Although the PROMETHEUS staff refuted this issue, they do plan to maintain a state of independence in regard to any administration  censorship pressure.  For this reason they have chosen to remain financially independent of college funds.  THE PROMETHEUS is financed by advertisers and monetary contributions.&#13;
&#13;
Because PROMETHEUS does not have a "club" status yet, it cannot be distributed in the dorms on campus.  The staff will file for club admittance (with Sue Hanna as adviser) as soon as the revision of the I.C.A. constitution is completed.  Presently, the 500 copies are distributed in front of the Post Office every other Monday.  Plans to increase the circulation and to expand the format of the paper will depend on increased financial support.&#13;
&#13;
Letters to the editor and articles are welcomed.  The staff is open to new ideas but they do request that all articles be factual and valid.  Validity, they feel is the major criterion for printing material.  There are still openings on the board for ad help and lay out experience.  Anyone wishing to contribute should call Georgetta.  Classified ads, a new addition to the paper, are also open to public contribution.&#13;
&#13;
THE PROMETHEUS could be the refreshing change we've all been awaiting: activity versus apathy in a concrete form.</text>
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              <text>In addition to facing criminal charges in Fredericksburg City Court for possession of marijuana, the five Mary Washington College students arrested in connection with last Saturday's raid of Madison Hall will be subject to an Administrative Hearing before MWC President Prince B. Woodard. Four of the five men have also been suspended from the College; the suspension will remain in effect until the Administrative Hearing, according to Woodard.&lt;br /&gt;     The drug raid, unprecedented in Mary Washington College's history, occurred on March 24 at approximately 8:00 p.m. The desk aide on duty at the time said that "the side door to the dorm opened; the door had been locked, so the police must have had keys. Then about eight cops came running in. Two went into a room on the first floor, and the others went upstairs."&lt;br /&gt;     One of the students who was arrested said that he "heard a knock on the door. I answered it and there were four cops; they showed me a search warrant and came into the room. Then they sat me down and read me my rights. At that point, a State Policeman from Hanover County searched my room. They didn't find any pot, only twelve seeds and a bong. Then they took me to the station and charged me with possession of marijuana and paraphenalia. I never made any statements implying that I even knew those things were in my room." The next day, this student was informed that he had been suspended from the College pending an Administrative Hearing.&lt;br /&gt;     Four students were arrested in the March 24 raid. One was charged with possession of marijuana and paraphanalia. Two were charged only with possession of marijuana. One was charged in Juvenile Court because he was under 18 years old and hence was considered a juvenile under Virginia law. A fifth student was arrested on March 26 and charged with possession of marijuana and paraphanalia. All five have been released from police custody, without bond, on their own recognicence.&lt;br /&gt;     No precise cataloguing of the material evidence seized in the raid is possible at this time. Some is still being analyzed by the police laboratory in Richmond.&lt;br /&gt;     The four students arrested in the March 24 raid have been suspended from the College by MWC President Prince B. Woodard, pending an Administrative Hearing. All five were arraigned in General District Court on March 27. Two of the students were arrested by state policemen. The others were arrested by campus security officers or city policemen.&lt;br /&gt;     The &lt;em&gt;Student Handbook&lt;/em&gt; provides that the possession and use of marijuana is a violation of the College regulations as well as an infraction of federal and state laws: "Violations of these rules may result in suspension or expulsion from the College, as well as prosecution by the civil authorities" (p.31) The &lt;em&gt;Handbook&lt;/em&gt; further provides that "if the College authorities have reasonable cause to believe that a College rule is being violated in a a manner which prejudices the proper and efficient operation of the College or the welfare of the student body generally, the College authorities may inspect the student's room for the purpose of investigating the violation and enforcing the College's rules. If there is reasonable ground for belief that the violation is taking place, the search is necessary for the investigation of the violation and the enforcement of the rule, and action against the offender is limited to administrative procedures as distinguished from criminal proceedings. No search warrant would be required.&lt;br /&gt;     "The Dean of Student Services accompanied by the Residence Hall Director and a student hall official should participate in such a search. The College police may assist in such a search.&lt;br /&gt;     "If the search is to be made for the purpose of investigating a violation of the criminal law as opposed to a College rule, a search warrant must be obtained even though actual prosecution may not be contemplated." (p.54)&lt;br /&gt;     The cases of the five who were charged in General District Court should come to trial in Fredericksburg sometime in early June. In the meantime, four of the five involved have been suspended from MWC by President Woodard. When asked for his reasons, Woodard said that "it would not be appropriate for them to remain on campus until the Administrative Hearing." The Hearing has been scheduled for April 3.&lt;br /&gt;     According to the &lt;em&gt;Student Handbook&lt;/em&gt;, "the purpose of the Administrative Hearing is to provide the President with a full account of the circumstances and facts involved. The hearing is not a judicial proceeding . . . When all parties have presented their facts, the President shall adjourn the hearing, and as soon thereafter as possible, arrive at his decision.&lt;br /&gt;     "The Board of Visitors has charged the President of the College with the responsiblity for student discipline and the regulation of the various aspects of student life at the College. The President has delegated to the Student Association authority for supervising many phases of student life, including the formulation and enforcement of mutually-agreed-upon regulations. There are other regulations, however, for which the administration of the College must maintain primary responsiblity for enforcing. In addition, violations of local, State, and Federal laws are subject to criminal prosecution by these bodies." (pp.26-7)&lt;br /&gt;     President Woodard told a meeting of Madison residents on March 26 that he had known the Saturday search was going to occur before it actually happened. When asked why these particular rooms were singled out, the President said, "I don't know. It was their (the police's) investigation. I hope they have more facts than I do."</text>
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              <text>"Backfire ERA" &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Editor: &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;You (Ellie Schettino, Bullet, April 15, 1976) write: "Women have been and always will be equal to men, especially intellectually. It's about time the government recognize this." The government already has recognized it: Article VI of the 1964 Civil Rights Act states "That each federal department and agency shall take action to end discrimination in all programs or activities receiving federal financial assistance in any form. This action shall include termination of financial assistance." More to the point, Article VII of the same Act states "that it shall be unlawful for any employer or labor union with twenty-five or more persons after 1965 to discriminate against any individual in any fashion in employment because of his race, color, religion, sex, or national origin and that an Equal Employment Opportunity Commission shall be established to enforce this provision by investigation, conference, conciliations, perfusion, and if need be, civil action in federal courts." So, economic equally is already written on the federal statue books. We do not need more legislation; if a law were the only thing needed to grant women the equality you claim they lack, there is already one. What will ERA accomplish that the 1965 Civil Rights Act did not accomplish? &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Further, you write "(…many married women are extremely successful career-wise). Yes, we need the freedom of choice!!" I see here a contradiction, because if many "women are successful career-wise," then the avenues to that success must already be open to them. If this is true, there already is the freedom of choice of which you speak, and we do not need ERA. I think it is most inappropriate for you to bring up the issue of women priests in an article entitled "ERA." Even if ERA were to pass, I fail to see how it would affect a church policy that was initiated in Rome. Have the pro-abortion laws in America in any way modified the Pope's stand on abortion. Also, although I am indeed sorry that you consider yourself cheated out of a Parrish Scholarship by your church, the U.S. Congress is not the proper body to petition with your grievance. It is purely a matter that must be settled within your church. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;One last observation: I find your statement "Perhaps the anti-ERA measures pushed by some women (?) are the result of male chauvinist pressures to keep women in the household" a childish slur at those women, some who may even be as excessively intelligent as yourself , who disagree with you on the ERA issue. To lump your opposition into the general rubric of "Slave" is as asinine as their labeling the fine ladies of NOW "a bunch of lesbians who are trying to destroy the family." I would suggest that you follow your own advice and not inflict your "viewpoints on the lifestyles of others." They are as entitled to their opinions of ERA as you are to yours. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;I am in favor of complete economic equality for women in the job market. I am not at all positive that ERA would bring us any close to that goal. We already have the necessary legislation: it is time we enforce the equality laws already in existence, rather than merely pass another one that will also go ignored. You ask "Why not ERA?" I ask "Why ERA?" &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Mike Mello &lt;br /&gt;Celeste Calude</text>
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              <text>&lt;ul&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Sexual Assault is the number one crime of violence in the Commonwealth of Virginia.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Age of the victim ranges from 6 months to 95 years.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;College students form the highest single category of victims.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;In Virginia, a rapist has a 99% chance of being able to commit his crime without receiving any punishment for it whatsoever.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;/ul&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Statistics like these prompted the Fredericksburg Area Rape Information Service (FARIS) to invite Pam McCoach to speak at Mary Washington College last Thursday evening. McCoach, a member of both the Virginia Committee on Sexual Assault Reform and the Virginia States Crime Commission Task Force for rape legislation reform, spoke before a small, predominantly female group, discussing the changes in the Virginia Code dealing with sexual assault. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The piece of legislation that McCoach endorses, formally known as S.B. 291, has already been passed by the Virginia State Senate and is presently being handled by the House Courts Justice Committee, Subcommittee on the Criminal Sexual Assault Bill. If reported favorably on by the Subcommittee and Committee, the Bill will be debated on the floor of the Virginia House of Delegates next month.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;McCoach told the gathering that “the present rape laws just are not enough. Victims aren’t reporting it, and Commonwealth Attorneys have difficulty securing convictions.” McCoach hopes that passage of S.B. 291 will solve both of these problems by “increasing the effectiveness of the Commonwealth Attorneys” and “upgrading the role of the victim so that he or she does not have to undergo a second assault, this time in court.” &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The Bill, according to McCoach, embodies several concepts. It would shift the emphasis of the sexual assault law from victim resistance to force exerted toward the victim by the assailant. Thus, the focus would no longer rest on the victim’s will or resistance. Mc Coach pointed out that “we do not ask whether the victim of a robbery ‘consented’ to having his or her property taken,” as is embodied in the present legal implications in a rape case. “Furthermore…resistance can be dangerous.” &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The Bill codifies all forms of forcible sexual conduct into one statute, treating assaults such as sodomy as seriously as rape in terms of criminal process and conviction. S.B. 291 would replace the simple “rape” category under the law with a graduated scale of severity. “Sexual assault” under the Bill is divided into two major categories: Penetration (defined in the Bill as “vaginal intercourse, cunnilingus, fellatio, anal intercourse, or any other intrusion, however slight, by any object.”), and Sexual Contact (which is essentially coerced touching or fondling). &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Additionally, both categories are divided into two degrees. Second Degree Penetration includes the use of fear or coercion by the assailant to achieve penetration, and covers cases where the victim is mentally retarded or physically helpless. The proposed penalty for a Second Degree Penetration offense would be from five years to life imprisonment. Second Degree Penetration is aggravated to First Degree Penetration if any of the following conditions existed at the time the crime occurred: 1) the victim was under 15 years old, 2) the assault was a “gang rape,” 3) a weapon was used by the assailant, 4) the assailant was a parent of the victim, 5) the victim was confined to a state institution (penal, mental, etc.) and the assailant was an official at that institution or 6) the assault was committed during the commission of another felony. When any of these factors are present, the penalty for a penetration offense may range from five years to life imprisonment. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Similarly broken down, Fourth Degree Contact deals with fondling rather than penetration. Fourth Degree Contact would be increased to Third Degree Contact for the same conditions that would increase Second Degree Penetration to First Degree Penetration. Penalties range from one to five years imprisonment for Fourth Degree Contact and five to twenty for Third Degree Contact. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;S.B. 291 is, according to its supporters, sex neutral. Homosexual assault and the assault of a male by a woman would not be distinguished in terms of penalties, from the rape of a female by a male. Further, the Bill deals only with nonconsensual sexual assault; the emphasis is on the violent nature of the crime and on the element of force involved. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The rights of the victims of sexual assault are made explicit in the Bill, which states that “the victim shall be treated with respect at all times”; among other protections, the Bill provides that “the jury shall not be instructed to examine with caution the testimony of the victim solely because of the nature of the crime, nor shall the jury be instructed that such a charge is easy to make but difficult to defend against…” &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Along this same line, the Bill would place increased limits on the admissibility of evidence relating to the victim’s sexual history. If S.B. 291 is passed, judges in rape cases would be required to find, in a hearing at which the jury was not present, that this type of evidence is necessary to the case, that is more than inflammatory rhetoric designed to prejudice the jury. The limits of admissibility of evidence must, according to the Bill, serve one of three purposes; first, “to provide and alternative explanation for the presence of semen, pregnancy, disease, trauma, or any other physical evidence of the offense charge”; second, “to support a claim that a victim has an ulterior motive in bringing the charge of sexual assault”; third, “to provide evidence of past sexual conduct between the victim and the defendant” which is necessary to show whether force was used. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;S.B. 291 would authorize increased penalties for repeat offenders: an additional five years for the second offense, ten for the third, and an additional sentence of life imprisonment for the fourth offense. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Pam McCoach ended her presentation with an appeal for help. She said that letters to the members of the House Subcommittee of the Criminal Sexual Assault Bill would be most helpful. Those wishing to express an opinion on the Bill should write to any of the following legislators at the General Assembly Building, Richmond, Va 23219: A.L. Philpott, Subcommittee Chairman (Room 607, phone 804-786-6880), Theodore Morrison (Room 702, phone 804-786-6597). Donald McGlothin (Room 711, phone 804-786-6995), Joseph Leafe (Room 705, phone 804-786-6891), Clinton Miller (Room 707, phone 804-786-7298), and Raymond Robrecht (Room 809, phone 804-786-7296). &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;McCoach urged that it is crucial for the letters and phone calls to reach these legislators as soon as possible.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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              <text>Blame Enough for All &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In the article that appears on page one of this issue and the latest issue of PROMETHEUS, Jim Boyd make some interesting observations. However, I think his placement of responsibility is somewhat misdirected. I say somewhat because it is true that the administration apparently blithely superseded the handbook. But, while the administration committed the act, the Senate tolerated it. For if the student body, through their elected representatives in the Senate, felt strongly enough about this Kathy Mater matter they could recall her: Amendment I. Recall-"Any student official may be recalled if he has failed to... uphold the standards of the office." Therefore it is incorrect for Boyd to give the administration all the blame. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Whether or not the removal of the S.A. President is an advisable policy is a question which must ultimately be answered by the student body of MWC. All side must be given a fair hearing and an equal opportunity to state their side o the issue. As students concerned with the maintenance of an effective student association, we must deal directly with the issue at hand. However, the issue here is much larger than Kathy Mayer; this is why Jim Boyd did not remain in office or attempt to impeach Mayer. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The basic issue presented here is constitutional. During a meeting with President Woodard, Boyd was informed that Woodard possesses absolute veto power over the S.A. Constitution: Article IV: Authority-"The authority of the Student Association is derived from delegation by the President of the College and from the student body of the College." Why then, Boyd asks(in light of the provision in the constitution), have a constitution at all when only one signatory of the agreement is bound by its precepts. The example which Boyd has disclosed is symptamatic of the phenomenon that Michael Mello discussed in the first issue of the PROMETHEUS: the students have no power! &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In this particular instance the student body may, if it chooses, suspend the administration's suspension of the constitution by removing Kathy Mayer from office. AS stated previously in this editorial, the students may just as easily and in my opinion with a great deal more justification) dismiss the question of Mayer's eligibility for office as a technicality. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;But what about the crucial times that we are impotent in the face of similar administrative vetoes of our constitution? It appears that we will just have to watch on in frustration. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;H.M.M.</text>
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              <text>BOV Adopts Dalton Plan&#13;
TUESDAY, APRIL 25, 1978&#13;
By MICHAEL MELLO&#13;
In a recent resolution, the Board of Visitors of Mary Washington College reaffirmed the College's "commitment to the principle of affirmative action and equal educational and employment opportunity banning discrimination against individuals on the basis of race, color, religion, physical disability, national origin, political of filiation, marital status, sex age" &#13;
The resolution, passed by the Board in closed session on Saturday, April 15, also stated that Mary Washington would make "every good faith and reasonable effort to achieve the objectives," outlined in Virginia Governor John Dalton's desegregation plan. MWC is the third school in Virginia to ratify the plan. &#13;
There are presently 41 Black students enrolled at Mary Washington College, an institution with a total student body of 2,369. The College has no fulltime Black faculty members, though one part-time instructor and one visiting lecturer are Black. The new desegregation plan calculates that MWC should enroll 19 incoming Black freshmen in the fall of 1979 (compared to the eight enrolled last fall; ) this figure would be increased to 39 new Black admissions in the Fall of 1982. &#13;
College officials cite several possible reasons for these low figures in spite of MWC's long-standing policy of non-discriminatory admissions and hiring. A. Ray Merchent, College Vice President and Affirmative Action Officer, suggests two factors that might mitigate against Blacks choosing to matriculate at MWC. First Mary Washington is a single purpose institution, a liberal arts college. Merchent notes that "realistically, I don't think liberal arts colleges today are as popular as they once were… some of the institutions with multi-purposes and multi-programs with a wider range of offerings may tend to be more appealing to a higher number of students." Secondly, Merchent feels that MWC's extremely high percentage of female students is a factor. He suggests that we "look at it from the point of view of a Black student. A Black female student here has very few social opportunities with members of the opposite sex of her own race… Imagine yourself going to an institution that is 98.3 percent Black." Mary Washington is presently 98.3 percent White. &#13;
H. Conrad Warlick, Dean of Admissions and Financial Aid, also felt that Mary Washington's institutional arrangement might mitigate against Blacks applying for admission: "We are not a technical school. We do not offer programs that are of short duration that lead to immediate jobs that therefore lead to immediate income. We are not a professional school… Black students as a group have been more interested in professional and technically-oriented programs than they have been in the 'classic' liberal arts approach that we have here." Warlick cited the lack of a "thriving Black community" in Fredericksburg as a second possible factor. &#13;
He also suggested that Blacks may choose not to attend MWC because the college is situated in a rural setting, noting that the colleges and universities in Virginia with significant Black populations "are apt to be in major metropolitan areas." Warlick suggested that a fourth factor might be the lack of Black faculty members. A fifth, and paradoxial factor, has to do with the aggressiveness of MWC's minority recruitment policies. Warlick noted that Mary Washington has long been at the forefront of affirmative action, leading other Virginia schools. When "we were actively recruiting Blacks and they (other schools) weren't, our job was easier. When they became more aggressive and initiated well financed recruiting efforts that complicated our lives. It has simply become more competitive." &#13;
There are no simple answers to the problem of the low Black enrollment at MWC, says Warlick. He emphasizes the complexity of the entire process, comparing it to the intricate patterns of a Persian rug.&#13;
The matter of recruiting Black faculty members is equally complex. Vice President Merchent sees the problem as being basically economic: "we have had many very qualified Black applicants. We have offered positions to them, but we are not competitive enough salary wise. Several of them really want to come, but if you can get $3,000 or $4,000 somewhere else, you'll go there." James H. Croushore, Dean of the College and a key man in the selection of faculty, agrees that salaries are a "major factor," but he suggests a possible second reason as well: "the kind of institution. Certain candidates might not be interested in a small liberal arts environment."&#13;
These are the problems, the impediments to increasing the number of Black students and faculty members at Mary Washington College. The Dalton desegregation plan is hoped to be a solution. &#13;
The new Virginia desegregation plan, officially known as "The Virginia Plan for Equal Opportunity in State-Supported Institutions of Higher Education," has to date been approved by three schools: George Mason University, the University of Virginia and Mary Washington. In a statement last month Governor John Dalton said, "the plan is simply an ex-tension for the next five years of what we have been doing for the past four years to make equal opportunity in higher education a practical reality." The plan itself has basically seven parts. &#13;
First Virginia's two predominantly Black Colleges—Norfolk State and Virginia State—will be given priority in the creation of new programs. Dalton also agreed to ask the 1979 General Assembly for financing to make the Eminent Scholars program available to these schools; the Governor hopes that this will "attract more white faculty members" to these institutions. Second, in order to increase the number of Blacks in presently predominantly White colleges and universities and the number of Whites in predominantly Black institutions, Dalton agreed to ask the General Assembly for "aid grants of $1,000 each for gifted Black and White high school students who attend institutions which have heretofore been attended predominantly by the other race." These funds are non-need based. They are essentially incentive grants. &#13;
Third, the State Council of Higher Education has increased by 33 percent the funding of summer programs for deserving Black students. Fourth, a study will be made of why minority students at community colleges do not choose to study at four year institutions. Fifth, Virginia's Equal Employment Office Coordinator will conduct on-site reviews of the present hiring practices of state-supported institutions of higher learning. The governor has said that "the state will work to-ward the objective that the proportions of people hired to fill faculty and administrative vacancies will not be less than the proportion of minority members with proper credentials in</text>
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              <text>The article cuts off mid-sentence during the explanation of the fifth step of the Dalton Plan</text>
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              <text>The pages of the Fredericksburg Free Lance-Star have recently contained a controversy involving John G. Castles, a member of MWC's Board of Visitors, the highest operational decision-making body of the College. Castles is also a member of the four-man Caroline County Board of Supervisors. The controversy arose out of comments he made about the low income residents of Caroline County. The Free Lance-Star quoted Castles as saying, "Even if there were more jobs, I question whether (unemployed) blacks would work . . . Blacks have two preoccupations—recreation and education. They think keeping kids off the streets and giving them a shiny new building will turn them into Phi Beta Kappas. They don't have to foot the bills—it's easy to demand things." Castles, in a letter to the Fredericksburg newspaper, replied that his "comments about unemployed applied equally to blacks and whites" and accused the newspaper of distorting the entire matter. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The issue appears within the context of a three-part series of articles on Caroline County written by Free Lance-Star staff writer Spencie Love. Love, a graduate of Harvard University, wrote in the final segment of her story that the three white members of the Board of Supervisors, "hold similar views on county problems, such as poverty and unemployment, and see the county's blacks—the major victims of both—as largely responsible for their situation." Castles went on to say that Caroline County's industries were, "compatible with the labor force—no one wants to work . . . I think the county would be attractive to (outside) industry, but there's not a reliable work force. Even if there were more jobs, I question whether (unemployed) blacks would work." &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Love also wrote that, "Castles sees the county's blacks as a unified political force—he said that Luther Morris represented the county's blacks, and would 'do anything they tell him to do.' . . . Suggesting that blacks complained more than the 'people paying the most taxes,' Castles concluded that black leadership showed a lack of intelligence and candor." &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Castles, who "prides himself on his candor," was quick to respond to Love's articles. In the March 22nd issue of The Free Lance-Star, Castles wrote that Love "left no stone unturned in an effort to paint the white board members as insensitive, bigoted, plantation owners, lording it over the less fortunate citizens of the community . . . My comments about those who pay little and demand much applies to all races and not just blacks as Ms. Love would have you believe. She knows that my remarks about the emphasis on new school buildings with its lack of results on the learning capacity of its occupants applies across the board. But doesn't it serve her purpose so much better to apply it only to blacks? My comments about unemployed applied equally to blacks and whites, but if put properly in that light wouldn't create animosity, would it? Working blacks and whites have little respect for either race who won't work." &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Castles' letter included a personal attack upon the author of the article series. Castles charges Love with "a communistic distaste for anyone who has the audacity to own property" and suggests that this "communistic distaste" is the result of "a Patty Hearst guilt complex . . . Or maybe her earlier journalistic experience as a reporter for the Afro-American Newspaper" was the cause of her "biased, inaccurate, misquoted, quoted-out-of-context and sensationalistic reporting." Castles further writes that Love, "has done her best to create dissension on the one hand and racial disharmony on the other. (She) obviously thrives on disharmony." Castle Concludes, "as for Ms. Love, the honeymoon in Caroline is over. She has been unmasked for what she really is. A holdover from the civil disturbance marchers of the '60's. Frustrated with no place to march she's turned to the next best thing, the press, and become a journalistic trouble-maker instead of the charging crusader she thinks she is. As The Free Lance-Star has become increasingly more liberal, its coverage of news events has become increasingly less reliable. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In a nine-point rejoinder to Castle's letter, The Free Lance-Star asserted among other things that 1) Castle's "comments on unemployment may have applied, as he contends, to both whites and blacks. However his quote ended: 'Even if there were more jobs, I question whether (unemployed) blacks would work.' " 2) The "series did not depict the white supervisors as 'insensitive, bigoted plantation owners.' The series simply quoted them. Any such inference is Mr. Castles', not ours." 3) Castles' "baseless allegations concerning what he calls our reporters 'communistic distaste' and 'Patty Hearst guilt complex' are not only without foundation but also irrelevant." &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Castles, in a telephone interview, stated that he felt it "incredible that this land-use issue has been presented in such a way as to give it racial over-tones. My comments had nothing to do with race; they applied to whites as well as blacks. There are just a lot of unemployed people who won't take a job even when it's offered." On the school issue, Castles reiterated his point that the problem is more than financial: "you need more than money. You need motivated students, quality teachers, and responsible parents. With those things, you could learn in a barn. Without them, you couldn't learn in the Taj Mahal." &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Castles acknowledged that his attack on Love was partly "personal," but he felt "it was justified. I went to the paper first, but they made no effort to ameliorate the situation. A free press must be a responsible press. Responsibility must go with anything. Castles plans to clarify his position with a second letter to The Free Lance-Star.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Since John Castles is a member of the 12-member MWC Board of Visitors, this issue has sparked much interest among students and faculty of the College. One student remarked that she was "appalled" at his comments. "If this man is a racist, he should not be on our B.O.V. How will this look when we apply for federal funds, having a man on the most important and powerful official body on campus making disparaging public statements about the unwillingness of Blacks to work?" &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Castles was appointed to the Board of Visitors in 1976, by Virginia Governor Mills Godwin. The Board perceives its duties as including "the carrying into effect the statement of Institutional Purpose." This statement states that the College is obligated to pursue its polices "without regard to race, sex, creed, or national origin." The Board is the "governing body of Mary Washington College." &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The Virginia law which created the Board in 1972 listed its duties as follows: "Control and expend the funds of the College . . . make all needful rules and regulations . . . appoint the President . . . and all teachers and fix their salaries and provide for the employment of other personnel as required, and generally direct the affairs of the College."</text>
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              <text>Carmichael urges au..to to push 'people's revolution &lt;br /&gt;By Karen L. Scrivo &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;While 300 students occupied the Kent State University administration building Wednesday night, across campus national black activist Stokely Carmichael advocated a "people's revolution." &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Speaking to about 1,000 persons at the Student Center Ballroom, a fiery Carmichael damned capitalism and predicted the inevitability of socialism in America. "Socialism is an economic system whose motive is not progress, but to serve humanity," Carmichael shouted.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The material manifestation of socialism, Carmichael pointed out, is that the people own the means of production. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;"When you're talking about revolution, you're talking about changes," he said, "and everything is changing all the time." &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The goal of socialism, as Carmichael sees it, is to achieve equality for all. "Capitalism is powerful, but it is no match for the people," Carmichael intoned. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Drawing on the revolutionary lives of Martin Luther King and Malcolm X, Carmichael said the revolutionary process could be repeated. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Peace is impossible under capitalism, he said. "Capitalism reinforces the animal instincts of human beings and encourages the strong to devour the weak.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;"Any conscious man or woman, who is strong, has a responsibility to help the weak become strong," Carmichael said. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;He charged that capitalism utilized the negative aspects of Christianity to sell the message that human beings are basically evil and incapable of transforming themselves. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;"Men and women are capable of being greedy, but they are also capable of being altruistic," Carmichael said. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Speaking about the student movement in the 1960's, he said that the 'enemy,' which he called the capitalists, sought to disperse the energies of the movement. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;"The FBI destroyed the movement by sending students down different paths like drugs, back to nature and mysticism," he said. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;He advocated an African revolution movement within the U.S. black population. Tying them to their roots in the African continent, Carmichael said. "Only when Africa is free, will we be free. On the backs of Africans, capitalism has existed and sustained itself. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Stokely Carmichael, nationally known black activist, came to the student sit-in in Rockwell Hall Wednesday night after his scheduled speech to about 1,000 in the Student Center Ballroom. Carmichael told the students "to keep the fires burning to help the struggling masses of humanity." Carmichael spoke to the sit-in crowd only about five minutes before leaving. His talk was sponsored by the KSU Student Caucus, the student government, which...student money to pay...by Ernie Mastroianni.</text>
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                <text>A newspaper article about black activist Stokely Carmichael who started a "people's revolution".  Carmichael spoke to 1,000 people at Kent State University saying that capitalism is going away and that socialism is coming to America.  He saw socialism as the means of gaining equality for everyone.  He said that under capitalism, peace could not occur.  He spoke about the student movement of the 1960s saying that capitalists wanted to disperse the movement's energies.  The FBI ended the movement by making students turn to drugs and mysticism.  He also said that when Africa is free that America will be free. </text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;There seems to have arisen some controversy over the specifics involved when a case deals with both aspects of Honor and Judicial Violations. Should such a case come before Honor, Judicial, or both and in what order? If the case comes before both courts of student action, does this indeed constitute double jeopardy? Does a policy need to be formed to cover all cases that fall in this category, or should each case continue to be decided on its individual merit? This article will attempt to deal with these considerations in terms of the alleged Honor Violation of Lying in conjunction with alleged Judicial Violations.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;If a student is confronted with an alleged judicial violation, the accused is assumed innocent of that charge until proven guilty by the judicial court. Additionally the accused has the right to state his or her innocence to that judicial charge in one of several ways: by pleading the 5&lt;sup&gt;th&lt;/sup&gt; amendment in the right to remain silent or in pleading guilty to the offense as charged, and tailoring the case to fit the plea. However, under the present system, an accused student may compound a problem, expanding it to involve an Honor Offense as well. But only in a specific sense. For example, the accuser questions the accused in relation to a specific part of the offense that he or she was visual witness to , and the accused denies the fact. A misrepresentation of the truth is no less a misrepresentation becuase it is about a Judicial Offense. Granted, the lie would not have been an issue if a Judicial Offense had not come into play. There exists, however, a very real difference between maintaining one’s innocence through an impulsive lie to cover for one’s actions.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;A direct lie to cover for one’s action is in our System, by precedence, taken to Honor. The reasoning behind this has been based in what has seemed fairest to the accused in terms of both Honor and Judicial. First, Honor deals with the lie, deciding on guilt or innocence and then hands down one of three penalties: No Dismissal, suspension, or Absolute Dismissal. These decisions are made only on direct evidence presented to the Council surrounding the lie itself. Then, if the case further warrants Judicial proceedings it will go to Judicial for a decision and Judicial penalty based only on the Judicial Violation charges. The Honor Council’s decision will not be known to, nor will it figure in the voting Judicial Council’s decisions.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Precedence in such cases has taken into consideration the power of the Honor Council’s decision and realm of penalty: that the Council can directly dismiss a student from the college. It seems ludicrous to think that a student should be subject to first one trial, receive a fine or extra desk duty; then to a second, and in the second trial face the possibility of Absolute Dismissal.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;It is equally ludicrous to consider as a logical extension that since we may be charged with lying with the Judicial case, that if we plead “not guilty” is merely a formal courtroom procedure around which to build one’s case. An accused may plead “not guilty” even in the face of  “obvious” guilt if: 1) the accused believes that he or she is not guilty, or 2) if the accused is not willing to face the specific charges as they stand. Once a verdict and penalty are handed down by any judicial body (unless an appeal process is completed to the contrary) the decision stands, and the accused assumes (in effect, becomes) the decision of the court.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Another aspect to consider is that of double jeopardy. Because a case may come before both Honor and Judicial Councils, does this constitute double jeopardy? By definition of the two separate entities, it does not. Again, Honor will deal only with that which clearly falls under its jurisdiction. No case will be accepted that is not clearly within the realm. Neither our Honor System, nor our Judicial System claim to be qualified to deal with decisions in a real court of law, nor their penalties. In the particular type of case which we are concerned with here, there is no doubt that either body is dealing with “criminals.”&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;It appears that due to the delicate nature of each individual case, especially those that fall under this discussion, it is necessary to continue to decide the effect of Honor upon each case depending on circumstance. There are always fine line cases that will be difficult to classify. When such a case occurs it may be best to bypass the Honor Council. But, when a case is clear cut, and deals with lying and a Judicial Offense, both effects of the total violation must be handled separately.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;With proper discretion, it is possible to avoid such conflicts. If the accuser uses thought and tact in addressing a potential accused, there should exist no set up for the probability of an Honor Violation. Inform a student that you are considering Judicial procedure—don’t provide them the unfortunate opportunity to react to a pointed question of accusation with a lie to cover for their actions.&lt;/p&gt;
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              <text>Criticism Should Lead to Action &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;It is at time asserted that the Bullet does not meet the needs and wishes of the MWC student. Because of this latent dissastification with our school paper, I find it necessary to investigate the basis of criticism from which these complaints arise and attempt to alleviate as many conflicts as possible. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The main problem the BULLET faces in correcting mistakes and misunderstandings is in isolating specific areas of incompetence. Granted, spelling mistakes and grammatical errors occur, and will continue to occur. Similarly, the type of inaccuracy can also e observed in the WASHINGTON POST and THE FREE LANCE STAR. Please keep in mind that the reporters for these national papers devote 24 hours a day to the maintenance and perfection of their work, while the BULLET must place classes and a variety of other matters before the upkeep of the newspaper. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Secondly, it must be noted tat the quality of the paper is contingent upon the excellence of the staff and Editorial Board. The criticism towards the BULLET must stem from certain MWC student's ideas of perfection. We would certainly find it encouraging to have more staff members, especially those of you who not only strive for perfection, but believe it can be attained. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;While I initially felt uneasiness concerning the new pamphlet PROMETHEUS, I have concluded that criticism and discontent channeled into another form of media is healthy and effective. It is easy to appreciate those who lend constructive criticism, as well as take action to eliminate their cause for discontent. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;When asked specifically what could be done to improve the BULLET, our critics shrug and reply something obtuse such as : "oh, just general stuff." We seek concrete criticism. We enjoy receiving letters to the editor. What we dislike is confusing displays of inept reasoning regarding the future of this year's BULLET. Complaints that have no basis or apathetic suggestions which would be impossible to implement are quite frustrating. As a freshman, I frequently criticized the BULLET, but it was not until I began participating in the decision making that I realized how genuinely unjustified I was in complaining of matters which I knew nothing about and did nothing about. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;If you desire change, it is necessary to do something more than merely expect it to occur. It is only after you offer precise suggestion and more importantly, action that you will experience the benefits of knowing that you have contributed to improvement; public reaction will be your gratification. P.A.R.</text>
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              <text>&lt;div style="text-align:center;"&gt;“Certainly, I have no sympathy for any individual who made a mistake. We have all made mistakes. But it also is a rule of life we all have to pay for our mistakes.”&lt;/div&gt;
                       - Richard Nixon in 1973 &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;One could rightly ask why anyone would bother to write now in favor of amnesty for those who refused to take part in the Vietnam war. The answer is simply that the question has not yet been adequately settled, and this is as good a time as any to put it behind us. Former President Nixon assured the country in 1972 that any discussion on amnesty would be inappropriate until 1) The war was over 2) The POW’s were home 3) an accounting of the MIA’s was underway and 4) the conscription of Americans into the military against their will had ended. All of these conditions have been met for almost five years: all of Vietnam has gone Communist and the Ford Administration is considering recognizing the Hanoi government. He repatriation of the exiles remains the last great problem of the war. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The academic community, indeed the world community as a whole, remembers with pride those few “good Germans” who refused to participate in Hitler’s plans for extermination. The only Germans who are today considered respectable are those who defied the government when it went mad, those who deserted their SS units rather than take part in the destruction of Liddice or the leveling of the Warsaw ghetto: it is as difficult to find a Nazi in Germany today as it is to find a hawk in America. But, while those “good Germans” are seen as patriots in the highest meaning of the word, the small army of Americans who chose exile over what history may regard as our country’s Waterloo, are vilified and hounded as cowards and still forced to stay away. We welcome South Vietnamese Army General Trang si Tan, a master torturer; we welcome Saigon Police Chief Dang Van Quang, who gained international noteriority when he summarily executed a bound Viet Cong prisoner during the 1968 Tet offensive; we welcome Ngo Cao Ky, who initiated and supervised the infamous Phoenix Program which carried out the murder of 20,000 South Vietnamese political dissidents. Yet, America’s borders are closed to Terry Samuels and Lindy Blake, whose only crime was to have a conscience when a national conscience was nonexistent. They ask not for mercy – for they have committed no wrong – but rather they ask for justice. Total, absolute, unconditional amnesty should be granted to all of those who refused to fight in America’s biggest mistake. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;It would not be the first time: George Washington pardoned those who took part in the Whiskey Rebellion. Perhaps more relevant to the issue before is now is Andrew Johnson’s blanket amnesty of all Southern rebels who participated in America’s most costly wart: 600,000 men died in the Civil War. Johnson issued his Universal Amnesty Declaration on Christmas Eve 1868: &lt;br /&gt;“I, Andrew Johnson, President of the United States…do hereby proclaim and declare unconditionally, and without reservation to all and to every person who directly or indirectly participated in the later insurrection or rebellion, a full pardon and amnesty for the offense of treason against the United States; or for adhering to their enemies during the late civil war, with restoration of all right, privileges and immunities under the Constitution.” &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Why, if amnesty can be granted for the serious crime of armed rebellion, should it be denied to men who are motivated by opposition to a war that they felt was unjust? &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;There are those who would call the draft dodgers and deserters cowards, but it is never cowardly to stand on moral grounds against the general view. To leave the country of one’s birth, to place oneself in voluntary exile in a strange land with customs and language foreign to him is a difficult and painful situation. They were not cowards, even though the Pentagon tried to make us think that this was the case: “inquiries made by field commanders and research teams reveal that relatively few soldiers claim the Vietnam war as a motivating factor for desertion. The major causes of desertion, true today as they were in previous wars, are personal problems and the inability to adjust to regimented life.” This statement ignores the fact that in each successive year of the Vietnam conflict since 1967, the year of deserters leapt by tens of thousands: in in 1967, roughly 44,000; in 1968, 54,000; in 1969, 70,000; in 1970, 84,000; in 1971, 100,000. Official Pentagon figures place the total number of deserters from August 1964 to December 31, 1972, at 495,689. This figure is almost 300 per cent greater than the desertion figures of WWII and Korea combined. It is not reasonable to assume that the soldiers in Vietnam had so many more “personal problems” than did their counterparts in America’s other recent wars. Vietnam’s deserters are not cowards; the real cowards in this war are those who were involved in atrocities, who knew the grim truths, but remained silent. They are the cowards to their responsibility to humanity. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;There are those who do feel that to grant amnesty would somehow dishonor those who fought and died in Vietnam. This wrong party: since when is it the responsibility of the exile to offer any explanation to the wounded or the families of the dead? It is the government’s job to do that. The men in the Kennedy, Johnson and the Nixon Administrations who signed the troop increase orders and formulated the war strategy that left our fighting men so exposed to their enemy, must justify their deeds to those who paid the price for them in blood: McNamara, Lodge, Ball, Rusk, Helms. To deny amnesty would not confer any more meaning on the 55,000 American dead: amnesty would, perhaps show that there is still a shred of honor left in our system. It would commit this country to define the lessons of the war: for, until we understand these lessons, there is nothing to prevent the same thing from happening over and over again. Universal amnesty subsumes repatriation with the acceptance of responsibility for the war. Conditional amnesty offers repatriation without guilt, a return to acceptance of business as usual. Further, conditional amnesty assumes that Congress or the President or the V.A. has the moral standing to judge the conscientious decision of Vietnam’s resistors. No public official who served in the executive or legislature during the twelve years of war, has any such moral understanding. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Further, to assume that those who fought are against those who didn’t is simply not borne out by the facts: for example, the most vital element in the antiwar movement during the last two years of the war were returning veterans. There was a powerful message in their protest: the special bitterness of the antiwar veteran comes from his realization that he was sent off to risk his like and kill for an illegitimate cause. Also, opponents of amnesty assume that the families of the dead, wounded and captured will be opposed to amnesty. This may or may not be true: we just don’t know. They have not been polled. But it is inappropriate to assume that they would be against amnesty; 1962 Kennedy amnesty hearings revealed some fascinating testimony: Mrs. Valerie Kushner, the wife of a prisoner held in captivity since 1968, pointed out that “POW’s and war exiles (are) both unwilling exiles. We cannot expect to make whole the body of America if we amputate from her flesh so many of her sons.” And Robert Ransom, whose son Mike was killed in Vietnam in 1968, testified “… the untenable position into which we have forced these men is responsible for their predicament today. These are our sons, and we need them back. They did not deserve what we have done to them. It would be most gratifying to me if I felt that I could have contributed in some great measure toward the granting of the broadest kind of amnesty – one without penalties and conditions. I would consider it to be my personal Mike Ransom Memorial General Amnesty Bill. That would have pleased him. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;It is said that amnesty would undermine the military as an institution by encouraging draft evasion and desertion in the future. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;But in 1971, one out of every four Americans who enlisted in the armed forces deserted, and it would be difficult to prove that the deserters were motivated by expectation of amnesty. Thus, the concept of patriotic sacrifice was destroyed by Vietnam policies long before there was any talk of amnesty. The cause might be right before men willing risk their lives for it. The U.S. Constitution provides the procedure whereby the country can be taken into a war by its leaders: by this method, the America people – via their representatives – can pass judgment on the validity of the cause and whether or not it is worth sending young men to die fighting for. The viability of the military has always been maintained – and always will continue to be maintained – so long as this Constitutional procedure is followed. The exile phenomenon arose because we were dragged secretly into war; med died under the constitutional joke of the Tonkin Gulf Revolution; men were told to die for a game theory called the domino theory. The real question concerning the draft in the future is: Draft of what? If young men are to be drafted for further Vietnams, then such a draft would be unviable. So long as the war-making procedure is followed, the military will remain sound, whether or not amnesty is granted for the Vietnam exiles. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The dodgers and deserters were not evil; they were not cowards; they were ordinary citizens whose consciences could not permit them to take part in a war such as Vietnam. They broke the law, but who has been the supreme law breaker in the era? America did not declare war in Vietnam, but it was responsible for the Nuremburg Tribunal, at which it ratified a host of crimes entitled crimes against humanity – extermination, enslavement, deportation and other atrocities committed against a civilian population. After twelve ears of American involvement in Vietnam, there are over 1,000,000 civilian casualties and 6,000,000 refugees in South Vietnam. One fourth of the entire population of Cambodia was dislocated after three months of our invasion there. Laos has the honor of being the most heavily bombed country in recorded history. And to the American guilt for Hiroshima, Magasaki [Nagasaki] and Dresden, Nixon added the saturation bombing of Hanoi and Harphong on, ironically, the birthday of Jesus Christ [December 25, 1972], the Prince of Peace. Three months later, we withdrew with “peace and honor.” &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The tactics we employed in Southeast Asia – free-fire zones, massive bombing of highly-populated cities, system extermination of dissidents, the “Strategic body count – are crimes and violations of international law whether the U.S. does them or Nazi Germany does them, and we cannot lay down a rule of criminal conduct against others which we ourselves will no abide by. So let us not hear any longer this selective application for the respect of the law invoked for the exile, but not for his government. If the exiles were right and Vietnam, was wrong, then our leaders should recognize it, admit it and, of course grant amnesty. But if the dodgers were wrong and the war was right, they have suffered enough: exile in itself is a self-imposed alternative to service. For the government to add still more penalty is a cruel act of cowardice on the part of that government, an act contemptuous of the past, and proof enough that we have progressed very little since the Senate passed the Tonkin Gulf Resolution by a vote of 98 to 2. In that event, our 55,000 dead have surely died in vain. I ask everyone to open your hearts to the words of Ecclesiastes: “To everything there is a season and time to every purpose under the heaven…a time for killing, and a time to heal; a time to break down, and a time to build up.” We have had our time of killing, now. The leaders of the United States found it necessary to destroy much of Vietnam in an effort to break the spirit of Ho Chi Minh and other Communists in Southeast Asia. ThJ5 spirit remained unbroken despite B-52 saturation bombing, napolm-raids, free-fire zones and body counts, remained unbroken and prebailad, but the American spirit was left in shambles. In our narrow-minded attempt to interfere in a civil war, we inadvertently caused a civil war of our own. This civil war will never be over until the people of the United States decide to heal the wounds allowing everyone to come home. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Only when all of the victims of the war are allowed to make the trip home will we have any semblance of a peace with honor.</text>
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              <text>Dear Editor: &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Bullet we got to hand it to you... Thanks for the royal screw. Where do students voice their opinions anymore? We want to commend you for your sensationalism and your success in twisting the facts to fit your fancy. We're glad you've won your awards for journalism- Now, how about working on the reporting that gives you such inappropriate headlines and unfactual articles. We hope you feel a little bit of guilt somewhere in your paper heart concerning the way you've misrepresented the facts, the students, and the administration lately. We thought you'd learn your lesson the first week you misrepresented a story with an outlandish headline that ruined a perfectly good story, but you evidently enjoy "misrepresentation of the truth." (Student Handbook). Let us correct some of your statements since you insist on relying on your own ideas when writing your articles, rather than involving adequate student input ( the people your writing for remember). &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Do we have a representative sample of students on our Bullet staff? &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;We at Madison are growing "weary of our lonely struggle and are beginning to show signs of buckling in the face" of the distorted coverage you've been granting us. Schlimgen and Thompson did not try and "persuade other dormatories to follow the Madison Plan." First of all, there is no "Madison" plan- only one for all the students of MWC. There is no mention of Madison in the entire proposal that you printed up in your last edition. Secondly, we suppose your concept of "persuading" other dorms to follow our example is equal to several of our dorm members visiting several other dorms on campus to explain the proposal and make students aware of its implications. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;We were willing to sacrifice our visitation in order to get our point across and we didn't want to see any other dorm suffer for the same reasons. We made it clear to the administration for the beginning that we wanted to open the problem up to consideration and not hide it away in the corner somewhere. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The residents of Madison did not "falter in their support of the new proposal"- they simply feel that passive resistance and the proper channels are the correct, mature and responsible method of dealing with problems of this nature involving a combination of administrative and student legislatures. Kathy Mayer neither took away or gave back our visitation, Cindy Reeves did both. Miss Mayer was consulted on the matter as any leader is consulted before one of his or her cabinets takes any action. Your "most valuable staffer" also made a blunder in his editorial where he states that Woodard "decides upon the proposal" because Woodard's vote is only one of eight from the administrative board. Agreed, your article is one of opinion and not of facts since it is classified as an editorial, but opinions also need facts to back them up. We also don't think we're talking about "power" in our protests, Mr. Vandever, only cooperation (in our minds) will solve anything in an educative atmosphere. Keep it up Bullet, you're helping to perpetuate the idea that college students are in fact inferior, incompetent, power-hungry immature little kids. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Steven P. Schlimgen, Randal V. Kirby, Paul Hawke &amp;amp; and the Madison 34+1</text>
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              <text>&lt;em&gt;Editor's Note: &lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;If Madison's attempt was not to seize power, and thus influence an administrative decision, the entire episode must be classified as a pointless prank. If Madison residents feel that "proper channels" are appropriate, why weren't these channels explored and exhausted before the existing procedures were so dramatically scorned? Anyone who claims that President Woodard is bound by a vote of the administrative board certainly is not aware of the "facts," and would do well to read the description of the President's powers in Mike Mello's article, "The function of the BOV" (Bullet, April 1, 1978). &lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;Further, Madison did indeed "grow weary of its lonely struggle." The dorm residents originally voted 36-1 to sign in "guest #1, guest #2, etc.," but as their visitation rights became threatened, the vote to continue the struggle dropped to only a 14-11 margin. Twenty-two supporters "buckled" under pressure. Also Kathy Mayer took full responsibility for both revoking and restoring Madison's visitation. It would seem that the only "misrepresentation" of which The Bullet is guilty, is one of not presenting the protesters in the favorable light they desire. &lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;T.J.V. AND G.P.W.&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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              <text>Are students entitled to due process of law? The Handbook provides that “all members of the College community have the right to due process in matters concerning discipline or status as members of the College community.” But Kathy Mayer has proven that the Handbook and the S.A. Constitution are essentially worthless; she has shown that even the sections of those documents which are clear and straightforward may be perverted by bizarre feats of semantic acrobatics. Joint Council last year (in the Madison case) and President Woodard this year (in the Westmoreland Four case) have indicated that the Handbook guarantee of due process is equally empty. Yet there is a somewhat more authoritative document guaranteeing us due process of law. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Section One of the Fourteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution reads “No state shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States; nor shall any state deprive any person of life, liberty or property, without due process of law; nor to deny any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws.” The question is whether Mary Washington College is bound by law to conform to these strictures. I believe that it is. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Justice Bradley wrote in the Civil Rights Cases that “it is State action of a particular character that is prohibited. Individual invasion of individual rights is not the subject of the Amendment.” For example, the right to life is protected by the Amendment, but only against improper deprivation by the state. A private murder would not fit the requirements, but a lynching done under the auspices of police officers would. Thus, the emphasis here will be on an elaboration of the concept of “state action.” &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The Court early began the extension of the idea of state action to cover not only legislative action, but also action of the judicial and executive branches as well. And there was a vertical extension to include all of the governmental units subordinate to the State. The Court has found violators of the Amendment by the state courts (in Ex parte Virginia), legislatures (in Strouder v. West Virginia), executives (in Sterling v. Constantin), tax boards (in Raymond v. Chicago Union Traction Co.), boards of education (in West Virginia Board of Education v. Barnette), and even private enterprises that receive state aid (in Burton v. Wilmington Parking Authority). When any officer or employee of the state or any of its subordinate governmental units acts in pursuance of his official function, then there is state action within the meaning of the Fourteenth Amendment. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;One facet of the problem of delineating state action appears in the classification of the private owned and managed operation which receives financial aid from the state. Is the act of such a body an act of the state or is it a private act for the purposes of the Fourteenth Amendment? Obviously, a categorical answer is impossible; it would be a rather absord doctrine which would consider as state agents all people on relief, unemployed persons benefitting from state compensation plans, etc. But what of enterprises that began as purely private, but which have become so enmeshed with the agencies of state government through grants or other special governmental treatment that they take on the character of state institutions? The Supreme Court established 30 years ago that these agencies are to be considered state agencies for the purposes of the Fourteenth Amendment. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The case involved the status of Enoch Pratt Free Library, in Baltimore, Maryland. Louisa Kerr, a Negro, sued for damages and injunctive relief, asserting that she was refused admission to a training course conducted by the library. She charged that the library was performing a governmental function, that she was rejected solely because of her race, and that such rejection constituted state action prohibited by the Fourteenth Amendment. The library defended on the ground that it was a private corporation. In deciding Kerr v. Enoch Pratt Free Library, the Supreme Court held that the library’s action was in fact state action within the meaning of the Fourteenth Amendment. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The parallels between Enoch Pratt Free Library and Mary Washington College are obvious; for the purposes of the Fourteenth Amendment, both institutions are identical. This being the case, the actions of the Administration and other campus agencies in matters of discipline must conform to the Fourteenth Amendment’s “due process” clause and all that it implies. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;M.A.M.&lt;/strong&gt;</text>
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              <text>Editorial: Closed Subjects, Closed Minds&#13;
&#13;
I do not think that a liberal arts institution can do the best possible job of providing a liberal education for the students, unless the institution itself is willing to keep its scope of offerings, its procedures and its policies under continual review…as it relates to Mary Washington, this is a commitment that I…have made.&#13;
Prince B. Woodward 1975&#13;
&#13;
I am opposed and will remain opposed to 23 hour visitation…that's all I have to say about it and that's all I have to say about it in the future…It's a closed subject.&#13;
Prince B. Woodward 1978&#13;
&#13;
The attitude of MWC President Prince B. Woodward on extended visitation, as expressed in last week's BULLET, seems to deny the guarantees of an "Open Administration" he made when he became president. Dr. Woodward seems to treat sincere student concern about a major College policy with a disposition bordering on contempt.&#13;
It is not the purpose of this editorial to argue for or against extended visitation. It would not be wise to take a position on the subject until all the data, including the current S.A. poll is in. But one must keep an open mind on the subject until the students, parents, and alumni have expressed their choice. Dr. Woodward seemed to acknowledge this when three years ago he said "…we shall try to always be continually alert to what might be needing changes in both the elements that we offer in the program and way we offer them."&#13;
Why the regression from open-mindedness to dogmatism? Dr. Woodward serves neither his own interests nor those of the College by refusing further comment on such an important issue. Dr. Woodward should give all members of the College community the benefit of his honest opinions on this crucial issue. One of the greatest purposes of any institution of higher learning is the free exchange of ideas. It is time for Dr. Woodward to rejoin the debate over 23 hour visitation. &#13;
GPW&#13;
MAM</text>
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                  <text>Michael A. Mello Papers, Series 1 News Clippings, Binder 1, 1976-1979&#13;
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              <text>​The phenomenon which is the subject of this editorial has variously been called "senior slump," "senior-itis" and "senior fever." But, it seems to me that the best term for this particular malady is "senior limbo:" an intermediate state, characterized by uncertainty, between two mediums. The malaise is not peculiar to seniors alone, though there appears to be a consensus among medical authorities that its most virulent strains usually strike down students with less than half-a-semester to go at Mary Washington College.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Senior limbo has two distinctive aspects. On the one hand, there is an alienation and a sense of detachment from the larger College community. The academics and extra-curricular activities that recently consumed so much of our attention, now somehow seem... well, small, distant and irrelevant. At least irrelevant and small in comparison to the uncertainty of the immediate future. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;This sense of uncertainty, which is the second dominant aspect of senior limbo, accentuates and feeds the students' alienation from the College. Gradually, as the semester grinds inexorably forward, many seniors become increasingly aware that they do not really know what direction their lives are going to take for the nest few years. For some, the commanding questions revolve around the state of the job market. Where will I be working this time next year? What will I be doing? Will i be working in the fields I studied at Mary Washington? Did MWC really prepare me for the "real world?" &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;For others, the questions and uncertainties cluster around graduate school. Will I get into the one I want? Will I get into any? Can I make it if I do get in? These students are members of what might be called the Cult of the Post Office; they visit the small, squat, red brick building across the road from Seacobeck with a frequency exceeded only by first-semester freshmen. The more hard-core of these seniors have checked and know that all first-class mail is usually in the boxes by 10:30; consequently, they often check their own box six or seven before that magic deadline. And they know the results of their grad school applications at a glance: a fat letter means an aceptance, a thin envelope means either a rejection or a waiting list. A "waiting list" means that the applicant might be admitted to the University if some of those who were accepted turn down the school; in other words, you're only offered a spot if someone else doesn't want it. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Waiting lists are special limbos unto themselves. Gary Trudeau, creator of Doonesbury(ITALICS), captured the essence of this feeling in a dialogue that took place between Joanie Caucus(who was applying to law school) and Zonker Harris: &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;ZONKER: Joanie, you can't just spend all day in bed, moping over your law school waiting lists. You've got to get up and around. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;JOANIE: No! I've got nothing to get up for. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;ZONKER: Well, could I bring you something to eat? Soup, maybe? &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;JOANIE: No, I don't want anything to eat. All I want to do is WAIT. They put me on their waiting lists, so I'm going to start waiting up a storm. Wait! Wait! Wait! &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;ZONKER: OK. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;JOANIE: Check back in a week. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The specifics of senior limbo vary from person to person, but the elements of alienation and uncertainty appear fairly constant. The relative security and predictability of College is about to rudely end, to be replaced by...</text>
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              <text>Houston, Tyler</text>
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                <text>Editorial: Senior Limbo</text>
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                <text>Mello, Michael A.</text>
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                <text>Mello, Michael A. "Editorial: Senior Limbo." The Bullet (VA), April 3, 1979.</text>
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                <text>HIST 298, University of Mary Washington</text>
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