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              <text>In the October 31 issue of PROMETHEUS, my good friend Lisa Langebach argued that our governmental philosophy should be governed by the “simple principle” advanced by John Stewart Mill in his essay On Liberty: “that the only purpose for which power can be rightfully exercised over any member of a civilized community, against his will, is to prevent harm to others.” Thus the famous “harm principle”, which Ms. Langenbach feels “provides a solid foundation for all action” and should be the basis of the American legal code. I happen to agree with her, but for the sake of discussion I would like now to present the opposing viewpoint, and in so doing I should thank Dr. Fullinwider of the Philospohy Department for showing me that there was a strong, rational conter-argument of Mill. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Mill’s “simple” principle is really not so simple at all. He writes that “if anyone does an act hurtful to others, there is a prima facia case for punishing him by law. Yet Mill never specifically defines “harm.” Does only physical harm count, or are embarrassment, frustration, and mental anguish also included within the harm principle; certainly they all constitute harm. Further, Mill never spedifies how much harm is necessary before legal punishment may ensure, what is the harm threshold, in other words? Mill’s failure to deal fully with these matters raises serious ambiguities about his tesis, especially since he offers many qualifications to his ‘simple” harm principle. First, he justifies state coercion aon matters of joint society interest; “there are many be compelled to perform, such as to give evidence in a court of justice and to bear his fair share in the common defense.” &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Mill does not stop there; “a person may cause evil to other not only by his actions but by his inaction and in either case he is justly accountable to them for the injury.” Thus, a citizen may be punished for inaction as well as action, and both punishments are surely infringemints on freedom. We are “harmed,” but Mill justifies it. This point about omissions is crucial for it means that harm is not necessary a prerequisite for punishment. I now don’t have to actively harm someone in order to be punished. Further, hamr alone is note ven a suffiecent condition for punishment: if I invent a machine that makes it possible for me to put you out of business, I have certainly hurt you. Yet Mill holds that the State may not punish me for this harm. Now the harm must be of a certain nature before punishment may be justifiend: hamr alone is no longer the yardstick. These qualifications cut the heart out of the harm principle and render it useless as a standard for gouging the validity of laws or other social policy. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Mill assumes that there exists isolated vacuums of private conduct over which the “individual in soverign” and the state may not interfere. But, as Joel Fienbeg wrote in Social Philosophy, “there are a thousand subtle and indirect ways in which every individual act, no matter how private and solitary, is the cause: if he did not smoke marijuana his mother would not have been harmed. Similary my mere knowledge of the fact that homosexual activity is taking place in the dorm room next to me may cause me tremendous mental and emotional harm – yet the gays next door may not be pusish for this harm: the fatal heart attack that affects others.” A mother may be so upset over her son’s private marijuana yse that she has a nervous breakdown. The mother has been harmed, and it seems that her son results from my consternation is only an “inconvenience which society must bear for the greater good of human freedom, unless the individual violats a specific duty to the public.” Thus, the “self-regarding/ other-regarding” distincition. But how can Mill just blithfull exempt this kind of harm from punishment without specifying precisely what the indivudals “duties” to his society are? Harm alone is not an adequate measure. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Mill attempted to deal with this problem by specifying two different types of social response to “problem” citizens. While only direct harm may be punished by the criminal law, indirecdt harm (such as my gay neighbor) may be punished by a sort of “social law” we may avoid the offender, withhold gratuitus benefits from his and so forth. In dealing with such an offender, “we may express our distaste and we may stand aloof from a person as well as a thing which displeases us, but we shall not therefore feel called on to make his life merable.” But is this really sufficient? Mill assumes that “the greater good of human freedom” will always outweigh the “inconvenience” yet this may not be the case. Take, for example, a private billboard palced on private property, adjoining a public highway. Suppose the billboard contained a twelve foot caricature of former President Nixon performing sodomy with a Palimeno pony under the caption “Nixon Sucks.” I wonder if this is an “inconvenience” that the public would afford for the “greather good of human freedom.” Mill is a utilitarian, which means that he does not appeal to abstract principle to support his thesis. But Martin Golding has argued that “the utilitarian argument cuts both ways: why shouldn’t the individual’s greedom be limited if it promotes the general happiness and perhaps his own happiness in the end?” Mill also assumes that freedom is necessary for self-fulfillment, a presupposition which he never develops. If freedom is so valuable, then why do so many people surrender theirs to dictators so easily? For these reasons, the harm principle alone cannot be the basis of social policy. It is too nebulous and it is this very quality which makes it so seductive. 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              <text>It has come to my attention that certain students and others were offended by the timing of November 11, 1977 Prometheus article “Dean Rusk: Guilty of War Crimes?” The article appeared the day Mr. Rush arrived on campus for his four day visit here, and some members of our academic community felt that my piece should not have appeared until after DVIR had departed Fredericksburg. Some clarification is in order:&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;First, the intent of my article was not to insult anyone, either Mr. Rusk himself or the people who brought him here; were this the case, we would have omitted the question mark in the headline. The sole purpose of the article was to present one student’s view of the way America, through its high governmental officials such as Mr. Rusk, chose to wage war in Southeast Asia. This view, incidentally, is shared by a number of individuals whose credentials in the academic and legal community are somewhat better than mine-for example Noam Chomsky, Richard Hammer, and Telford Taylor, the U.S. Chief Council at Nuremberg in 1945-1946. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Second, I chose for the article to appear when it did out of fairness to Mr. Rusk: so that interested students could go to Mr. Rusk and discuss the questions I raised in my article with him. This gave Mr. Rusk an opportunity to present his side of the story, to disprove my argument and to enlighten us about his version of American war crimes in Vietnam and who is responsible for them. I felt that to suggest that Mr. Rusk might be guilty of war crimes after he had already departed for Georgia would be a disservice for both our DVIR and the students of MWC.</text>
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              <text>[Photo Caption] LOBBYING AGAINST MARIJUANA DECRIMINALIZATION, conducting local polls and obtaining guest speakers are some of the objectives of Mary Washington College's new chapter of the National Organization to Reform Marijuana Laws.</text>
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              <text>Legally marijuana is any part of the marijuana plant, except for sterile seeds and the stalks of the major plant. Hashish is marijuana. Hash oil in marijuana only if it contains less than 15 per cent tetra hydro-cannobinol. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In Virginia, the penalty for possession of marijuana of a fan up to $1000 and a jail sentence up to 12 months. Possession of hash oil and other drugs such as heroin and LSD warrants up to ten years in the penitentiary. The penalty for manufacturing marijuana, hashish or hash oil is from five to 40 years in the penitentiary and a fine up to $25,000. The penalty for sale or distribution of marijuana or hash oil is from five to 40 years in the penitentiary and a fine of up to $25,000 -- unless a person proves that he was given away the drug or selling it for no profit, for which case the penalty is the same as that of possession. If a person 18 or over gives any drug, including marijuana to someone under 18 and at least 3 years younger than the donor, the penalty is a minimum sentence of 10 years and a maximum of 50 years and a fine of up to $50,000. If a person is found guilty of possession of any drug and he has never been convicted of a drug-related offense before, the judge may put him on probation. After the probationary period the judge may dismiss the case. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The National Organization to Reform Marijuana Laws (NORML) would like to see these laws concerning the criminalization of marijuana changes. The recent establishment of NORML at Mary Washington College is the first attempt by any college in Virginia to have this organization on campus/. Supervised by six faculty advisers and presently headed by Acting President Michael Mello, NORML held its first meeting Thursday, September 23 in Lounge A. There was standing room only. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Roy Sherrer, a registered lobbyist for the Virginians for the Study of Marijuana Laws (VSML), spoke at the meeting. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Lobbyists have made possible the exclusion of drug possession as grounds for legal wiretapping, the change of sharing marijuana from a felony to misdemeanor. They have stopped attempts of search without a warrant of suspicion and they have killed attempts to raise the maximum penalty for selling most drugs to life imprisonment. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;MWC's NORML plans to contribute funds to the hiring of a professional lobbyist to go before the General Assembly. The original hopes to conduct surveys concerning opinions on marijuana laws, show movies to the public such as "Reefer Madness," "Marijuana: Assasin of Youth" and "Marijuana: The New Prohibition," and hopes to get several speakers including John Zwerling, head of Virginia NORML. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;"The biggest obstacle to pot law reform isn’t the congress in Washington, the state Legislator in Richmond or Judge Gouldman in Fredericksburg. The biggest obstacle is apathy," remarked Mello at the meeting. "So long as we continue to tolerate this prohibition, we will have it around our necks forever. But, when we let our opinions be known by our elected officials these laws will change." &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The next NORML meeting will be on Thursday, October 7 in ACL. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Mello commented that he has heard a lot of students did not attend the first normal meeting by fear of harassment by the police or campus administrators. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;"There is absolutely no evidence of harassment of any member of NORML by any member of the administration," said Mello. He mentioned the progress he had made towards the decriminalization for marijuana by lobbying before the General Assembly since 1972. For further information concerning membership in NORML. contact Mike Mello at extension 422.</text>
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              <text>Above the article title, there is a photo of a lit marijuana joint in an ashtray.  Displayed next to the ashtray is a grinder, ZIG-ZAG wrapping papers, struck matches, and unlit marijuana joint.</text>
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                <text>The establishment of the National Organization to Reform Marijuana Laws (NORML) at Mary Washington College was the first attempt by any college in Virginia to have this organization on campus.  With acting president Michael Mello, MWC NORML will contribute funds to the hiring of a personal lobbyist to go before the General Assembly and hold various meetings with the intention of overcoming apathy regarding marijuana laws.</text>
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              <text>Like any disciplinary proceeding, the “Westmoreland Four” case has many different aspects to it. Often it is important to keep these aspects mentally separate. In particular, one must make a distinction between the ultimate verdict of punishment, and the manner in which that decision was reached-the process. The judgment and punishment in the case was justifiable: it is difficult to find fault with president Woodard’s actions here. The procedure for an Administrative Hearing deliniated on pages 28-30 of the Handbook were scrupulously followed. More importantly, the severity of the punishments may be justifiable because the Administration apparently approved its case against the four men-in both charges of the indictment. The noise count was never really in doubt; the defendants admitted that they often played their stereos too loud. The vandalism charge was more complex, since no evidence was presented at the Hearing which directly linked any of the four men to any acts of malicious vandalism; but, none was needed. A fifth student, who lives in another dorm was a frequent guest of the four Westmoreland men, had admitted committing some of the damage for which The Four were charged. And the Handbook provides that “Anyone in a residence hall to which he or she is not assigned a room by the college is considered a guest… All guests must abide by the rules and regulations of the college and the student is responsible for the conduct of his guest at all times. Any damages to property will be paid by the students and/or guest.” Thus were the Westmoreland Four indirectly tied to and liable for the vandalism for which they were charged. There was no glaring and obvious injustice in Woodard’s verdict in the case. But what truly bothers me about the whole affair is not the ultimate decision, but rather the process by which that decision was made. Specifically, the Westmoreland Four should have tried instead by President Woodard alone in an Administrative Hearing, the men were denied the due process of the law guaranteed to them by the Handbook as well as the Fourteenth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;It is wrong to blame the decision to convene an Administrative Hearing on Woodard, for the decision to turn this case over to the College President was not made by Woodard alone; it was a joint decision made by Cindy Reeves, Judicial Chairman, Barbara Stammerjohn, and Scott Sharer, Westmoreland Judicial Representative. Ms. Reeves was most emphatic on this point. In a taped interview, I asked her “if it was the students, not the Administration, who decided to send this case to Administrative Hearing.” Her reply was a forceful “yes.” &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Of these three students, Ms. Reeves bears the brunt of the responsibility for the decision. This was a judicial matter and her job is to be aware of and proficient in judicial matters; such matters are her specialty within the SA. The Handbook states that she is “the official representative of the Student Association in all matters of judicial concern.” Sharer was her subordinate; she is “responsible for all Residence Hall Judicial Chairman.” Stammerjohn as SA Vice President has no official concern with judicial matters, and hence was present primarily in an advisory capacity. Thus, the person most concerned with judicial matters, the person whom we hope is as close to an expert on judicial practices and procedures that we have, the person most responsible for the decision to convene an Administrative Hearing to dispose of this case, was Cindy Reeves. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Reeves based this decision on essentially four grounds. First, she said that Judicial Court or Joint Council could not handle the case because non-students were “involved”- Dean Clement, a campus police officer, and Resident Hall Advisor testified at the Administrative Hearing. But non-students, particularly campus police and dorm mothers, frequently testify at both Judicial and Joint trials, a fact which Ms. Reeves herself acknowledged. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;This is particularly true in visitation cases, for obvious reasons: the Handbook provides that the “Dean of Student Services, accompanied by the Residence Hall Director” should be present when a student’s room is searched for a suspected violation of a college rule or regulation. Further, “the College Police may assist in such a search.” Ms. Reeves’ principle of handling all cases, in which non-students are “involved” over to the Administration, if applied in all such cases, would mean that Woodard would be trying almost all of the cases which now are handled by Judicial Court and Joint Council. No doubt President Woodard would deal fairly with all of these cases, but his time is too valuable to waste trying Judicial and Joint Council cases; Ms. Reeves point might leave some credence if these non-students were plaintiffs in this Westmoreland Four case, but she herself stated that the charges were brought by a student: Scott Sharer. Dean Juanita Clement, Mrs. Janet Barnes, and the officer were only witnesses: as Mrs. Keel and Officer Prescott were witnesses at a Joint Council trial last year and Lonnie Stuterwant was a witness at the Madison Judicial trial last year. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Secondly, Ms. Reeves claims that there was a “loophole” in the section of the Handbook covering Noise Violations. Scott Sharer, who brought this “loophole” to her attention, explained: “let’s say that you’re in a room and I come and tell you its too noisy, would you please turn it down. I have to give you a warning, and if you turn it down, then that’s the end of the incident. Well, if you’re noisy the next night, I have to give you another warning; it’s treated as a separate incident. So even if I must come to your room every night and ask you to turn it down, and you do, then I can’t give you any hall offenses. That was particularly a problem here. When I asked them to turn it down, they did. But it was happening every night.” I will not argue the pros and cons of this warning requirement here, but in any case, this “loophole” does not mean that Judicial or Joint could not take this case. Ms. Reeves has stated that no hall offenses are necessary before these bodies may try a case involving a noise complaint. Noise problems are specifically in Judicial jurisdiction; further, one of the Joint Council’s jobs is to “hear cases of extreme complexity.” This noise matter seems to be such a case; this “loophole” thus is not a valid reason for taking the extreme and, to my knowledge, unprecedented step of handing a Joint Council case over to Administrative Hearing. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Thirdly, Ms. Reeves asserts that a “time element” problem necessitated the convention of an Administrative Hearing; “an immediate solution was needed. A lot of people were upset.” So Ms. Reeves, Ms. Stammerjohn, and Mr. Sharer concluded that because of the immediacy of the problem, the four men should be removed from the dorm until Administrative Hearing could be convened. But the moment they did this, the “time element problem” was to the three students’ decision to convene an Administrative Hearing, how heavily it weighed on their minds. They decided that the Administration should ultimately try the case. Fourthly, Ms. Reeves claims that neither Judicial nor Joint could hear this case because vandalism was involved, an offense not specifically within the jurisdictions of those bodies. She may have a point here, but one could argue just as forcefully that vandalism is not specifically out of the realm of Judicial or Joint either particularly in light of the fact that the need must be extremely compelling before the convention of an Administrative Hearing may be justified. Further, Judicial Courts in the past have heard and passed judgment on cases involving vandalism, although the vandalism in these instances was not committed against College property. When MWC property is involved, a problem arises because only the College may assess for damages. But this problem may be solved in the following manner: Judicial or Joint Council could decide innocence or guilt and then the Administration could assess the accused student for recompance in the event of a guilty verdict. I can sympathize with Ms. Reeves’ position as she met with her two fellow students, President Woodard and Dean Clement on that Wednesday morning. With exams staring her in the face and a complicated case before her, maybe she cannot really be blamed for an error in judgment. Perhaps the thing that bothers me the most about Ms. Reeves’ decision is that she is still defending it to the hilt and worse still, she is ready to repeat it again and again. Ms. Reeves made a mistake. She should admit it.</text>
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                <text>Westmoreland "4": Our Judicial System on Trial</text>
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                <text>Mello, Michael A.</text>
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                <text>Mello, Michael. "The Westmoreland '4': Our Judicial System On Trial." HIST298, accessed February 11, 2014. https://hist299.umwhistory.org/admin/items/add </text>
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                <text>Fredericksburg, VA </text>
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              <text>Dear Editor: &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Ms. Hayes, in her editorial “MWC Honor- A Call for a Closer Look” (Bullet Nov 15) made several accurate observations. She noted that PROMETHEUS was perfectly within its Constitutional rights when it published Elliot Wentz’s article on the MWC honor code. She was further correct in her assessment of “the absurdity of the Pam Burrows honor trial.” Yet two of Ms. Hayes’ thoughts bothered me. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Firstly, she felt that Mr. Wentz “has served a severe injustice to the accuser in the trial, our SA president.” Ms. Hayes seemed troubled by “the fact that no provisions fro the rights of the accuser is made in the MWC Honor Constitution.” But Ms.Hayes fails to state precisely what these “rights of the accuser” are or should be. Do they include the right to bring false and petty charges against a fellow student? The right to make an accusation in a secret, Star-Chamber-like proceeding in which her identity is known only to the defendant, her council and the court? Is this truly an “open trial,” as demanded by the Constitution of the United States? Precisely which of Kathy Mayer’s “rights” was violated in Mr. Wentz’s article? This whole idea of accuser’s rights is a new one on me; not only is the MWC Constitution silent about the presence or absence of such “rights,” but the US Constitution is as well. Personall, I don’t feel that a citizen acquires any additional rights solely by becoming an accuser. Of course, that same person doesn’t lose any rights either; the fact of the matter is that Kathy Mayer has the same right as Mr. Wentz: the right to present her side of the issue in the campus media. If Ms. Mayer chooses to waive this right and remain silent, then that is not the fault of wither Mr. Wentz or PROMETHEUS. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Secondly, Ms. Hayes is apparently critical of Mr. Wentz’s decision to disclose the identity of Pam Burow’s accuser; she suggests that this “served to deface the names of the characters concerned” and further asserts that “from all appearances it seems that the intent of the article was to put under scrutiny the names of our SA and Honor Council Presidents.” This was not the intent of the article at all, but beyond that is the question of whether Mr.Wentz should have identified the accuser in the case. I believe that he was justified: it is significant that the accuser in this “absurdity” of an honor trial, Ms. Hayes called it, is the highest student government official at MWC. The person who brought this trial about was not a first-semester freshman who may have been unfamiliar with the purpose of the honor code or unaware of its ramifications; the accuser is a Senior who has been deeply involved with student government and who, to put it bluntly, should have known better. This fact was relevant to the trial, and Mr.Wentz was hence justified in noting it in his article. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Michael Mello</text>
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              <text>Editor’s Note In the editorial “MWC Honor- A Call for a Closer Look,” I in no way intended to defend Kathy Mayer, the accuser of Pam Burrows’ honor trial (“Recent Honor Trial Shows Need for Changes”- PROMETHEUS, Nov. 11, 1977). I did feel, however, that the presentation of Elliot Wentz’s article put a clear slant on the issue, which was not made public until the forth issue of PROMETHEUS was distributed. As Mello suggested, perhaps Ms. Mayer does not deserve any rights as the accuser. Based on her testimony of shaky evidence, as reported in PROMETHEUS, I would be inclined to agree with him. The basic discrepancy in the MWC Honor Constitution, that no rights are granted the accuser in campus honor trials, concerns me. In a democratic society we should all be treated as equals. Right? Apparently not, says Mello. That the Honor Constitution does not specify any rights of the accused, particularly, as well as the accused, have any say as to how the contents of trials are distributed? I definitely feel this should be corrected before further honor trials are held. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;As pertains to the reference that Wentz’s article served to deface the names of the accuser in Pam Burrows’ honor trial, I would like to defend this statement. Again I recall my original assertion that “the intent of the article was to put under public scrutiny the names of our SA and Honor Council Presidents.” Upon my first reading of Wentz’s article, I detect an obvious biased report of the honor trial. Surely readers should be allowed the liberty to make up their own minds as to how they feel about controversial issues; having Wentz’s present a one-sided account of the issue definitely could sway people to his side of thinking, which is not necessarily right and just. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Concerning Christie’s letter (above), and me “laundered” opinion, I hope his questions are answered in the preceding statements. The concern with the legalities of the trials was introduced to me by Janet de La Concepcion, Honor Council President, who informed me that she was consulting a lawyer about the publication of Wentz’s article. I do not support her quest for a legal battle- perhaps Mr.Christie misread this part of the editorial. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;I merely stated that Wentz was just in pointing out discrepancies in the MWC Honor Constitution and the leaders who are supposed to enforce it. Clearly I said that I agree with Wentz’s assertions; if, as you say, “Poor Mr. Wentz can’t win for losing,” that’s a new one on me. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;A.F.H.</text>
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              <text>The 981 students who responded to the recent SA poll on 23-hour visitation indicated overwhelming support for “the creation of an experimental dormitory which would operate under a system of 23-hour visitation.” 80.1% of those returning the surveys favored the establishment of such a policy at Mary Washington College, and 58.7% indicated that they personally would live in a dormitory with 23-hour visitation. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;According to poll organizer Eric Wootten, the survey was distributed to the 1669 residential students at MWC. The purpose of the poll, according to its introduction, was to “determine whether students are satisfied with the present visitation policy and, if not, whether the option of twenty-three hour visitation is a desirable alternative.” &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;These results are consistant with the findings of a similar survey conducted by the SA three years ago. 80.1% of those polled in 1975 favored extended visitation hours; this figure is exactly the same as the findings of the recent survey. The percentage of students willing to tolerate the possibility of an “increased security risk” rose 15% since 1975, from 79% to 94%. The percentage of students willing to “occasionally make other sleeping arrangements” under a policy of extended visitation also increased: from 77% in 1975 to 89% today. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Other findings in the poll include: &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;ul&gt;
&lt;li&gt;65% favored and 21.2% oppressed the granting of the 23-hour option to students between the ages of eighteen and twenty-one who are financially independent. 13.3% had no option.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;70.8% favored and 21.9% opposed the granting of the option to students between the ages of eighteen and twenty-one who could secure parental consent. 7.3% expressed no opinion.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;96.6% were aware and 2.0% were not aware that “a system of 23-hour visitation could necessitate the use of…proper dress outside of your room.”&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;84.1% realized and 13.3% did not realize that extended visitation might entail “sharing bathrooms with the opposite sex.”&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;89.2 were aware and 8.2 were not aware that such a policy might necessitate “occasionally making other sleeping arrangements.”&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;94% realized and 4% did not realize that 23-hour visitation could entail “increased security precautions.” Students had a wide range of comments on the question of 23-hour visitation.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;“23 hour would give us the freedom to live like the adults that the College says we are.” &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;“It would put this school into the Twentieth Century.” &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;“It’s totally against the whole purpose of MWC.” &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;“We already have our morals established by the time we get to College. If students are going to have sex, they’ll have it regardless of the visitation policies.” &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;“The visitation system is the most glaring anachronism at this school—an outdated leftover from a bygone time.”&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;“23 hour visitation is ridiculous. We are here for an education, not a total social life.” &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;“If a poor, neurotic girl has to have her boyfriend around 23 hours a day, let them either go to a motel, get married, or make use of Ball Circle. If offers no advantages except for whores and their clients.” &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;“It would allow adults to make an obviously personal decision.” &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;“My husband could visit me at any time.”&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;“The demonstrated maturity of students on this campus does not seem to warrant mush optimism for the success of 23 hour visitation, but I think that I should be given a chance to stand or fall on its own merits.”&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;“Dorm life is as much a part of our learning experience as are classes. We should have the option of as many lifestyles as possible.” &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;“I have friends at schools that have 23 hour visitation, and they have little good to say about that system. Roommate friction is a big problem.” “It is absurd to say that a student is old enough to drink, vote and go to war, but not old enough to chose who should be in one’s room at any time.” “It’s worth a try.!” &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;This recent poll was organized under the auspices of SA Whip Eric Wootten. Wootten commissioned Student Lobby Research Committee Co-Chairman Betsy Bowen in mid-September to conduct the survey. Bowen, who is also Chairman of the Special Projects Committee of the SA Senate, plans to conduct thorough research into the ramifications that 23-hour visitation would have on WMC. This research will include a study of other Virginia institutions of higher learning as well as an evaluation of the state of the Virginia law as it relates to 23-hour visitation. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The results of the survey will be submitted to the Executive Cabinet later this semester for consideration. Wootten said that he plans to poll the parents of residential students, as well as alumni about the question of 23-hour visitation in the near future.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;/ul&gt;</text>
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              <text>The surveys were conducted by the SA three years prior to the article.  There are also quotes from students speaking about 23-hour visitation rights.</text>
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              <text>Apathy to Action: A Concrete Goal&#13;
&#13;
By Helen Marie McFalls&#13;
&#13;
Change is in the air.  Many recognize the need to move forward.  Numerous people cry out for it.  But few actually act to alter their dissatisfaction with status-quo.  Fortunately for MWC some students have risen above the prominent case of apathy and backed their discontent with action.  The result is a promising, new forum for debate--THE PROMETHEUS.&#13;
&#13;
Last year several members of the student body became dissatisfied with the limited means of communication offered by campus publications.  During the summer plans solidified and the creation of an alternative paper began.  THE PROMETHEUS is not a newspaper recording daily events.  Its purpose is to present controversial issues to the public and in turn to elicit discussion and debate.  The publication will reflect the views of the staff and contributors.  PROMETHEUS welcomes the readers' responses to the issues presented.&#13;
&#13;
When questioned about any threatening motives behind the origin of THE PROMETHEUS, editor, Georgetta Sharman emphatically refuted any rumors that may be circulating.  She clearly stated, "We are not in any kind of competition with THE BULLET."  Mike Mello, a staff member, added that they are not a radical organization out to sensationalize.&#13;
&#13;
Although the PROMETHEUS staff refuted this issue, they do plan to maintain a state of independence in regard to any administration  censorship pressure.  For this reason they have chosen to remain financially independent of college funds.  THE PROMETHEUS is financed by advertisers and monetary contributions.&#13;
&#13;
Because PROMETHEUS does not have a "club" status yet, it cannot be distributed in the dorms on campus.  The staff will file for club admittance (with Sue Hanna as adviser) as soon as the revision of the I.C.A. constitution is completed.  Presently, the 500 copies are distributed in front of the Post Office every other Monday.  Plans to increase the circulation and to expand the format of the paper will depend on increased financial support.&#13;
&#13;
Letters to the editor and articles are welcomed.  The staff is open to new ideas but they do request that all articles be factual and valid.  Validity, they feel is the major criterion for printing material.  There are still openings on the board for ad help and lay out experience.  Anyone wishing to contribute should call Georgetta.  Classified ads, a new addition to the paper, are also open to public contribution.&#13;
&#13;
THE PROMETHEUS could be the refreshing change we've all been awaiting: activity versus apathy in a concrete form.</text>
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&lt;li&gt;Sexual Assault is the number one crime of violence in the Commonwealth of Virginia.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Age of the victim ranges from 6 months to 95 years.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;College students form the highest single category of victims.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;In Virginia, a rapist has a 99% chance of being able to commit his crime without receiving any punishment for it whatsoever.&lt;/li&gt;
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&lt;p&gt;Statistics like these prompted the Fredericksburg Area Rape Information Service (FARIS) to invite Pam McCoach to speak at Mary Washington College last Thursday evening. McCoach, a member of both the Virginia Committee on Sexual Assault Reform and the Virginia States Crime Commission Task Force for rape legislation reform, spoke before a small, predominantly female group, discussing the changes in the Virginia Code dealing with sexual assault. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The piece of legislation that McCoach endorses, formally known as S.B. 291, has already been passed by the Virginia State Senate and is presently being handled by the House Courts Justice Committee, Subcommittee on the Criminal Sexual Assault Bill. If reported favorably on by the Subcommittee and Committee, the Bill will be debated on the floor of the Virginia House of Delegates next month.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;McCoach told the gathering that “the present rape laws just are not enough. Victims aren’t reporting it, and Commonwealth Attorneys have difficulty securing convictions.” McCoach hopes that passage of S.B. 291 will solve both of these problems by “increasing the effectiveness of the Commonwealth Attorneys” and “upgrading the role of the victim so that he or she does not have to undergo a second assault, this time in court.” &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The Bill, according to McCoach, embodies several concepts. It would shift the emphasis of the sexual assault law from victim resistance to force exerted toward the victim by the assailant. Thus, the focus would no longer rest on the victim’s will or resistance. Mc Coach pointed out that “we do not ask whether the victim of a robbery ‘consented’ to having his or her property taken,” as is embodied in the present legal implications in a rape case. “Furthermore…resistance can be dangerous.” &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The Bill codifies all forms of forcible sexual conduct into one statute, treating assaults such as sodomy as seriously as rape in terms of criminal process and conviction. S.B. 291 would replace the simple “rape” category under the law with a graduated scale of severity. “Sexual assault” under the Bill is divided into two major categories: Penetration (defined in the Bill as “vaginal intercourse, cunnilingus, fellatio, anal intercourse, or any other intrusion, however slight, by any object.”), and Sexual Contact (which is essentially coerced touching or fondling). &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Additionally, both categories are divided into two degrees. Second Degree Penetration includes the use of fear or coercion by the assailant to achieve penetration, and covers cases where the victim is mentally retarded or physically helpless. The proposed penalty for a Second Degree Penetration offense would be from five years to life imprisonment. Second Degree Penetration is aggravated to First Degree Penetration if any of the following conditions existed at the time the crime occurred: 1) the victim was under 15 years old, 2) the assault was a “gang rape,” 3) a weapon was used by the assailant, 4) the assailant was a parent of the victim, 5) the victim was confined to a state institution (penal, mental, etc.) and the assailant was an official at that institution or 6) the assault was committed during the commission of another felony. When any of these factors are present, the penalty for a penetration offense may range from five years to life imprisonment. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Similarly broken down, Fourth Degree Contact deals with fondling rather than penetration. Fourth Degree Contact would be increased to Third Degree Contact for the same conditions that would increase Second Degree Penetration to First Degree Penetration. Penalties range from one to five years imprisonment for Fourth Degree Contact and five to twenty for Third Degree Contact. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;S.B. 291 is, according to its supporters, sex neutral. Homosexual assault and the assault of a male by a woman would not be distinguished in terms of penalties, from the rape of a female by a male. Further, the Bill deals only with nonconsensual sexual assault; the emphasis is on the violent nature of the crime and on the element of force involved. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The rights of the victims of sexual assault are made explicit in the Bill, which states that “the victim shall be treated with respect at all times”; among other protections, the Bill provides that “the jury shall not be instructed to examine with caution the testimony of the victim solely because of the nature of the crime, nor shall the jury be instructed that such a charge is easy to make but difficult to defend against…” &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Along this same line, the Bill would place increased limits on the admissibility of evidence relating to the victim’s sexual history. If S.B. 291 is passed, judges in rape cases would be required to find, in a hearing at which the jury was not present, that this type of evidence is necessary to the case, that is more than inflammatory rhetoric designed to prejudice the jury. The limits of admissibility of evidence must, according to the Bill, serve one of three purposes; first, “to provide and alternative explanation for the presence of semen, pregnancy, disease, trauma, or any other physical evidence of the offense charge”; second, “to support a claim that a victim has an ulterior motive in bringing the charge of sexual assault”; third, “to provide evidence of past sexual conduct between the victim and the defendant” which is necessary to show whether force was used. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;S.B. 291 would authorize increased penalties for repeat offenders: an additional five years for the second offense, ten for the third, and an additional sentence of life imprisonment for the fourth offense. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Pam McCoach ended her presentation with an appeal for help. She said that letters to the members of the House Subcommittee of the Criminal Sexual Assault Bill would be most helpful. Those wishing to express an opinion on the Bill should write to any of the following legislators at the General Assembly Building, Richmond, Va 23219: A.L. Philpott, Subcommittee Chairman (Room 607, phone 804-786-6880), Theodore Morrison (Room 702, phone 804-786-6597). Donald McGlothin (Room 711, phone 804-786-6995), Joseph Leafe (Room 705, phone 804-786-6891), Clinton Miller (Room 707, phone 804-786-7298), and Raymond Robrecht (Room 809, phone 804-786-7296). &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;McCoach urged that it is crucial for the letters and phone calls to reach these legislators as soon as possible.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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              <text>​The phenomenon which is the subject of this editorial has variously been called "senior slump," "senior-itis" and "senior fever." But, it seems to me that the best term for this particular malady is "senior limbo:" an intermediate state, characterized by uncertainty, between two mediums. The malaise is not peculiar to seniors alone, though there appears to be a consensus among medical authorities that its most virulent strains usually strike down students with less than half-a-semester to go at Mary Washington College.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Senior limbo has two distinctive aspects. On the one hand, there is an alienation and a sense of detachment from the larger College community. The academics and extra-curricular activities that recently consumed so much of our attention, now somehow seem... well, small, distant and irrelevant. At least irrelevant and small in comparison to the uncertainty of the immediate future. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;This sense of uncertainty, which is the second dominant aspect of senior limbo, accentuates and feeds the students' alienation from the College. Gradually, as the semester grinds inexorably forward, many seniors become increasingly aware that they do not really know what direction their lives are going to take for the nest few years. For some, the commanding questions revolve around the state of the job market. Where will I be working this time next year? What will I be doing? Will i be working in the fields I studied at Mary Washington? Did MWC really prepare me for the "real world?" &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;For others, the questions and uncertainties cluster around graduate school. Will I get into the one I want? Will I get into any? Can I make it if I do get in? These students are members of what might be called the Cult of the Post Office; they visit the small, squat, red brick building across the road from Seacobeck with a frequency exceeded only by first-semester freshmen. The more hard-core of these seniors have checked and know that all first-class mail is usually in the boxes by 10:30; consequently, they often check their own box six or seven before that magic deadline. And they know the results of their grad school applications at a glance: a fat letter means an aceptance, a thin envelope means either a rejection or a waiting list. A "waiting list" means that the applicant might be admitted to the University if some of those who were accepted turn down the school; in other words, you're only offered a spot if someone else doesn't want it. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Waiting lists are special limbos unto themselves. Gary Trudeau, creator of Doonesbury(ITALICS), captured the essence of this feeling in a dialogue that took place between Joanie Caucus(who was applying to law school) and Zonker Harris: &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;ZONKER: Joanie, you can't just spend all day in bed, moping over your law school waiting lists. You've got to get up and around. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;JOANIE: No! I've got nothing to get up for. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;ZONKER: Well, could I bring you something to eat? Soup, maybe? &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;JOANIE: No, I don't want anything to eat. All I want to do is WAIT. They put me on their waiting lists, so I'm going to start waiting up a storm. Wait! Wait! Wait! &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;ZONKER: OK. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;JOANIE: Check back in a week. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The specifics of senior limbo vary from person to person, but the elements of alienation and uncertainty appear fairly constant. The relative security and predictability of College is about to rudely end, to be replaced by...</text>
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              <text>With the sounds of Woodstock playing softly in the background nearly 100 Mary Washington College students returned, if only briefly, to the days of meaningful protest yesterday.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;On the nicest day of the year so far the students took time out from sunbathing, frisbee-throwing and studying to protest the suspension of four male MWC students arrested for possession of marijuana last week.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;While an undercurrent of resentment about the arrests themselves was evident at the hour-long rally, the organizers emphasized the demonstration was held to protest the students' suspension without a hearing.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;By suspending the students before they appear in General District Court to face the misdemeanor marijuana charges, the MWC administration found them "guilty before being proven innocent," said speaker Mike Mello.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Arrested in the raid on the Madison Hall dormitory were: William P. Crawford, 19, of Alexandria; Charles W. Houlgrace, 20, of Richmond; Randolph P. Hart, 19, of Morgantown, W. VA.; and a 17-year-old juvenile. A fifth student, Seth F. Schrager, 18, of Alexandria was also arrested and charged with possession of marijuana and possession of smoking equipment, was not suspended.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;MWC President Prince B. Woodard was asked to attend yesterday's rally but according to the organizers, declined.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The students said they would present petitions to Woodard on Monday registering an official protest of the suspensions. None of the suspended students, who are barred from campus, could be present yesterday.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Mello said the raid was "unprecedented" in MWC history. One of the students, he noted, was arrested for the possession of 12 marijuana.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Mello challenged the action of the MWC police in conducting the raid on the students' rooms. "It was the first time they could act like real police, make a real search, appear before real judges, and make real arrests. It was a moment in the sun for our keystone cops," he told cheering protesters.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The students' suspensions, coupled with possible court action "smacks of double jeopardy," Mello said. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The protesting students lounged about in bikinis and listened to the speakers over the din of Crosby, Stills, Nash and Young songs which provided the beat to many anti-war protests in the late 60s and early 70s. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Many of the students wore black armbands with NORML (National Organization for the Repeal of Marijuana Laws) buttons attached. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;And while the suspensions were the focal point of protest the call for marijuana reform hung heavy over the event.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Rich Ford, an Alexandria attorney who represented the Virginia NORML organization at the rally, questioned whether marijuana possession was the "serious crime: the MWC administration claimed it was in handing out the suspensions.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Noting that 50 million Americans have smoked marijuana, Ford said, "If the administration suspends everyone here that has smoked marijuana, I would guess they'd have a preciously small student body.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;"This is a bit a serious crime, it is not. a serious problem, it is simply a choice of a recreational drug," Ford added.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Eric Wooten, a member of the MWC student government who was among the protest's organizers, questioned some of the school's priorities and rules.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Acknowledge that marijuana possession is illegal, Wooten said the MWC administration " condones these keg parties every Saturday night where everybody just gets smashed," yet suspends other students for finding different outlet.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The four students, all freshmen, are expected to be reinstated two weeks after their suspensions took effect.</text>
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                <text>Geigerich, Steve. "Rally Protests Suspensions". The Free-Lance Star (Fredericksburg, VA), March 31, 1979.</text>
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              <text>Ninety-three percent of those students responding to a recent S.A. Senate survey indicated that they feel that there is a need for more open student body meetings. One such meeting was held on Tuesday, February 13 at 7:30 p.m. Out of a total student population of 2360, approximately 30 attended. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The meeting took place immediately after MWC President Prince B. Woodward addressed the Student Senate. Many people at the open student body meeting expressed the opinion that the content of some questions asked of Woodward at the earlier meeting were pretty and that their presentation was immature. Others disagreed, arguing that the issues presented to Woodward were important to the MWC academic community. Still others asserted that the issues themselves were important, but that the students were not following the "proper channels" in dealing with them. For example, it was suggested that the absence of washers and dryers in Tyler and of locks on the bedroom doors of Marye were not matters to be raised in a forum with the President of the college. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The open student body meeting began with a short address by Patrick Everett, S.A. Academic Affairs Chairman. Everett stated that plans were being made to convert ACL Lounge A into an all-night study room. The room is scheduled to open Wednesday on a probationary basis. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Following this, S.A. Vice President Steve Schlimgen opened the floor for questions about his performance in office. It was at this point that the debate concerning the quality of the questions asked of Woodward at the Senate meeting began. One student said that "Woodward gave us one hour and we blew it; we wasted it with petty gripes rather than centering on the big problems that face MWC." &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Another student, taking exception, argued that these "petty problems" were really the tangible things that directly affect the quality of like at MWC. She felt that the meeting with Woodward had been productive. "Our goal tonight was to open lines of communication between the President and the students. We have made him aware of our problems and he listened." &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The question then became: How did Woodward respond to the student views presented to him? Some felt that his attitude was condescending and evasive, that he interacted with the audience at the meeting as a father does when explaining things to a small child. Others felt the opposite: that the President had been open and honest, explaining what he could and promising to look into that which he could not explain offhand. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Despite Schlimgen's attempts to give the meeting some semblance of coherence, heated discussion continued between members of the audience. A matter raised at a recent Senate meeting was brought up: a student left MWC under what some believe to be suspicious circumstances. One member of the audience argued that the entire question is a private matter between the former students and the college administration. The point was then made that the ex-student herself had requested an investigation of the circumstances surrounding her departure; hence, it was a matter within S.A.'s jurisdiction. Student Association President Laura Buchanan advised the audience that she and Campus Judicial Chairman Jane Daniels had already contacted all parties involved (including the former student), that their investigation was complete and that there were no irregularities in the student's departure from MWC. At least one member of the audience remained unsatisfied, however, and suggested that the investigation should continue. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Three issues were raised toward the end of the meeting. First Schlimgen announced that Dean Clement had refused to join President Woodward in addressing the Senate because of the treatment she received the last time she met the S.A. Senate. Schlimgen added that he feels Clement is the recipient of much "unjustified grief--it's her job to enforce the rules set up by the B.O.V." &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Second, Judicial Chairman Jane Daniels reported that the present system of monetary fines for judicial offenses in ineffective and that more cases would come to trial in the future. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Finally, S.A. President Laura Buchanan revealed that Greg Sokolowski, President of the Day Student Association, recently told her that the Day Student Association is ineffective and should be abolished. She also noted that several commuter students had complained about the job Sokolowski is doing as President. One member of the audience suggested that the interests of the commuter students could be better served by removing Sokolowski as president than by abolishing the entire Day Student Association.</text>
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                <text>This &lt;em&gt;Bullet&lt;/em&gt; article discusses the desire for more "open student body" meetings, according to a student survey. One such meeting took place on February 13, 1979, although out of a total student number of over 2,300, only 30 students attended. The main area of discussion regarded a previous meeting with MWC President Prince B. Woodward. Discussion dwelt mainly on the types of questions students asked of Woodward and opinions of his responses to those questions. There was no consensus among the students. The article goes on to describe other topics of discussion and points of contention.</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;      A Student Senate Committee poll indicates that the students of MWC still favor the option of 23 hour visitation, that they would like to see a student member on the BOV, and that student-faculty relations could be better.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;        The survey, conducted by the Coordinating Committee of the Senate, was designed to determine what the student body feels the major issues should be in the upcoming SA elections. Several Committee members expressed hope that their findings will set the tone for the platforms and debate in the February elections for major SA positions.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;       The major findings of the poll were:&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;ul&gt;
&lt;li&gt;77% of those responding to the survey indicated that the drive for the option of 23 hour visitation should be continued. Of that 77%, 43% were “strongly” in favor of keeping extended visitation as a goal for the Student Association.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;92% of the respondents indicated that the Student Lobby should continue its efforts to secure student representatives on the BOV. 54% of the 92% had a “strong” opinion on this matter.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;73% of those responding to the survey indicated that they had voiced their needs and desires to their Senate representatives. 76% responded, 26% “strongly,” that there is not effective communication between the Administration and the students. 55% of the respondents felt that the SA is effective in voicing their needs and desires. But 76% said that the MWC Administration is not responsive to the needs of the student body as articulated through the SA. This same 76% favors the creation of a body within SA Senate to handle student complaints that are not academically-oriented.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;72% indicated that their major concerns with regard to campus life were related to academics.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;93% of the respondents feel that there is a need for more open student body meetings.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;74% responded that they do not feel that student leaders have an influence on the operation of the dining hall.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;91% of those responding to the survey said that the SA should work to gain student employment opportunities in the C-Shoppe, College Bookstore, and Campus Police.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;72% responded that they had “no opinion” on whether the office of Day Student President had been effective in articulation the sentiments of MWC’s commuting students.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;75% indicated that the Student Activities Fee should be used to bring larger concerts to MWC. 67% expressed a desire to see more funds used to sponsor weekend entertainment in the C-Shoppe.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;70% of the respondents indicated that the Class Council should not be required to pay Maintenance for setting up before and cleaning up after events in ACL.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;50% had “no opinion” on whether or not the department representatives were effective academically. 88% indicated that their department reps should be more aware of what their job entails.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;92% indicated that they would like to see better student/faculty relations.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;79% felt that a Student Advisory Board is needed to provide representation for students accused of Honor Code violations.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;81% indicated that the faculty sufficiently understands and supports the Honor System.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;/ul&gt;
&lt;p&gt;        The final question labeled “Your favorite bitch” encouraged respondents to raise any complaints not covered in previous questions. The most frequent responses to this question were: the possibility of instituting a meal plan should be pursued; the effectiveness and competency of the Campus Police should be investigated; the practice of inspecting the books of students leaving the library should be discontinued as contrary to the Honor Code.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;        The survey was conducted in the form of a random sample of 345 students. Committee members stress the validity of sample polls in determining mass trends and public opinion.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>Mello, Michael and Tracy Hudson. "What Bothers Students." &lt;em&gt;The           Bullet&lt;/em&gt;, February 13, 1979.&lt;em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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              <text>	The careful reader will have noticed an odd aspect of the recent debate on homosexuality contained within the letters and “Viewpoint” sections of the BULLET with the exception of the original “Viewpoint” on the issue, no gay student students have participated in that debate. This is not because members of the MWC gay community have nothing to say, nor is it because they do not wish to express those opinions in print; in fact, the BULLET received two letters from MWC homosexuals. But, because the authors of those letters were not yet ready to “come out of the closet” and hence felt that they could not allow their names to appear at the bottom of letters giving first hand accounts of what it is like to be a gay student at Mary Washington College, the BULLET refused to print the letters with “names withheld.”&#13;
	&#13;
       The BULLET has a long-standing-policy of requiring all letters to be signed. The advantages of this policy are obvious and it certainly is not the purpose of this editorial to suggest that it ought to be abandoned or that it should not apply in the great majority of instances. Departures from this policy should not be made lightly, but these two present letters do justify such a departure. Besides offering the gay viewpoint on the question of homosexuality (an important perspective on the issue to say the least), both letters were excellently written and one was so good that it could rightly be called a social document; they both offered insights into this important issue that BULLET readers would have found valuable. Yet it is unrealistic to expect these students to sign their letters, to make that a requirement, to say to them that they must “come out” before they can express their views as homosexuals in the newspaper. This requirement is unrealistic for obvious reasons: in addition to the possibility of conflict with family members at home if they were to know the truth, MWC students who have “come out” in the past have been subjected to harrassment, ridicule and ostracism on campus. Ivy Martin, who declared her homosexuality in 1976 and was branded the “campus queer” from that time until she graduated last May, is the best argument I know against requiring gay students to “come out” in the BULLET before their views as gays may be printed in the school newspaper.&#13;
&#13;
	It is important to note that we are not dealing with unsigned letters here: both students were willing to sign their work. The BULLET Editorial Board would thus have known the identities of the authors; this is crucial for legal purposes and so that the Board could be assured that the writers were indeed MWC students and hence (because of the Honor Code) that they were in fact gay. What the authors of the letters could not allow was for their names to appear in print; the two letters would have appeared with “names withheld.” Many newspapers, including the Fredericksburg Free Lance-Star employ a policy of withholding the names of certain letter writers in rare cases, so long as the newspaper can validate their identity and authenticity. These publications realize that it is unfair and unreasonable to demand that certain individuals sign their work in print. The author of the original “Viewpoint” explained that she refused to subject herself to “the pointing fingers, the jeers, the incrimination of  those who check out what you wear and how you act and wonder ‘HOW COULD SHE?’ No, I‘ll not be MWC’s token gay.” Can we really blame her?&#13;
&#13;
	It may seem that making an exception here is unfair to those who are required to sign their letters. But those two cases are not quite comparable: the great majority of people who write letters to the BULLET can sign them free from the fear that their lives at MWC will be ruined by doing so. This is not the case with these gay students writing as gay students. Once again Ivy Martin is an example of what MWC does to those who do “come out.” Is it really fair to equate a student writing and signing a letter about brick paths with a student writing and signing a letter which begins “as a gay student, I would like to address the present debate on homosexuality”?&#13;
&#13;
	One advantage of pursuing a hard line on the present policy is simplicity: an absolute policy of not withholding the names of any letter writers solves the problem of deciding which letters to except from the general policy and which to reject. Whenever exceptions to a policy are made, the potential exists that the exceptions might become the rule. But there is no reason for this to happen. Withholding the names of these two gay students would not mean that the BULLET would thereafter be obligated to print every unsigned letter it received; on the contrary, the Editorial Board would still have the discretion to deny a letter writer the privilege of having his name withheld in print. As stated at the outset, exceptions to the general policy of requiring letters to be signed in print would only be made in rare cases. The question then becomes one of criteria, where to draw the line in deciding when to allow exceptions.  It is impossible to state precisely what conditions would be excusing, but two standards do suggest themselves. First, the BULLET does not accept letters that violate the laws of libel, and this would be extended to include these “name withheld” letters. Secondly, the writer would have to convince the Board that there is a valid and compelling reason for his inability to sign the letter in print. The present case of the two gay letter writers, in which the destructive ramifications of compelling the author to sign his work in print is obvious, would be a good yardstick to use here. Most importantly, the Board would exercise simple common sense in deciding which letter to print “name withheld.” Common sense is, of course, a subjective concept that defies definition. It is conceivable that members of the Editorial Board could disagree on when it should apply in particular instances, but that is one advantage of having a five-member Board: no single person’s perceptions rule supreme.&#13;
&#13;
	I do not believe that a policy of rare exceptions would create the massive problems that some assert; rather, it would give us the flexibility to deal reasonably with those letter writers who have a legitimate reason for not affixing their names to their work in print.&#13;
	MAM&#13;
&#13;
The Bullet&#13;
Established 1922&#13;
Printed by and for the MWC Community in the offices of the Fredericksburg Free Lance-Star.&#13;
&#13;
Helen Marie McFalls, Editor-in-chief&#13;
Michael Allen Mello, Managing Editor&#13;
Gary Price Webb, News Editor&#13;
John Matthew Coski, Features Editor&#13;
Anita Lynn Churney, Business Manager&#13;
&#13;
The Bullet&#13;
Mary Washington College is an affirmative action equal employment opportunity institution. It does not discriminate against any person for reasons of age, sex, marital status, race, nationality, religion, or political affiliation.&#13;
&#13;
The Staff of the Bullet&#13;
Chief Assistant Editor  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Ruth Spivey&#13;
Assistant Editors . . . . . . Jane Opitz and Laurie Shelor&#13;
Photography Editor . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Paul Hawke&#13;
Assistant Photography Editor . . . . . . . . . .Pam Marks&#13;
Advertising Manager . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Anne Hayes&#13;
Sports Editor . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Candy Sams&#13;
Assistant Sports Editor . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Julie Harrell&#13;
Circulation Managers . .Evelyn Watts, Juanita Grimm&#13;
&#13;
Staff Photographers . . . . . . . . Patty Shillington, Karen Noss, Felicia Mazur   &#13;
Staff--Tracy Hudson, Jean Smith, Betsy Rohaly, Laura Hall, Ann Lambert, Carrie Rebora, Dean Ball, Patrick Thompson, Mary Lee, Cynthia Nash, Mark Madigan, Cindy Goforth, Darla Fjeld.&#13;
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College student newspapers and periodicals.</text>
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                <text>Editorial dealing with the Bullet's decision not to publish two letters by gay students because the students did not want their names printed. The editorial discusses the impact on gay students if their homosexuality is revealed, citing the case of Ivy Martin. It concludes by arguing for a policy of exceptions based on "common sense" and consideration of "valid and compelling reason[s]" to withhold names.</text>
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                <text>Mello, Michael Allen [MAM]. "A Case for Anonymity." Editorial, The Bullet (Mary Washington College, Fredericksburg, VA), November 20, 1978, p. 2.</text>
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              <text>&lt;p style="text-align:left;"&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;    Last week's episode left the cadre of Mary Washington revolutionaries alone in the dark of Seacobeck Hall--an unostentatious beginning for the infant regime. But after endurig a night in Seacobeck (it builds character, they say) the revolutionaries found renwed vigor. A week later we find them in full control of the dining hall and of neighboring Chandler Hall. The base of support has been broadened and the college was vitually paralyzed. But the Administration has yet to play its hand . . .&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/em&gt;    President Prince Briggs Woodard leaned back in his swivel chair, exhausted. He was rudely disturbed by the buzzing of the intercom. Startled he fell backwards, catching himself on the edge of the desk.&lt;br /&gt;    He lifted the receiver, bracing himself for the unbearable wheezing of his private secretary.&lt;br /&gt;    “Mr. President, Mr. Mello from the Washington Post is here for his appointment.”&lt;br /&gt;    “Mello?!” Ward blurted in near hysteria.&lt;br /&gt;    His secretary’s voice fell to a whisper. “Not the same one, Mr. President, not even related. We had him checked out when he called for his appointment.”&lt;br /&gt;    “Thank God,” the President sighed. “Give me a minute, then send him in.” He hung up, not waiting for an answer.&lt;br /&gt;    What was happening? Leave for a week and come back to find open rebellion! A shooting! Violent retaliation? And then what?  Nothing! “We didn’t want to do anything until you got back, Mr. President,” Bishop said.&lt;br /&gt;    Obviously, no one understood him when he had said that the only threat to college security came from the inside! Now, despite his best efforts, word of the disturbance had leaked. Must have been one of those damned day students. “I know I should’ve locked ’em in their damned lounge,” he mumbled to himself.&lt;br /&gt;    What would he tell the reporter? The truth. Always the truth. But in what form?&lt;br /&gt;    The door swung open and the Post reporter entered. To Woodard’s delight, the man was nearly his age—but oh how the poor man showed it! Those ugly lines, that white hair, and that double chin. Woodard smiled.&lt;br /&gt;    “Mister Mello! It’s my pleasure to have you here. It’s not often we get someone from the Post. What’s on your mind? Clean drug record this year . . . And I’m sure you noticed how many boys—er—men we have this year, but our women, OUR WOMEN! They’re still as attractive as ever, eh?” He winked slyly.&lt;br /&gt;    The reporter did not respond. Instead, he pulled out a small pad from his breast pocket and flicked it open ominously.&lt;br /&gt;    “Is it true that you’ve been serving store-bought cold cuts in the dormitories for dinner for the last week?&lt;br /&gt;    Woodard’s face dropped, then he smiled coyly raising a chubby finger in realization. He walked over to his desk and stared intently at his calendar.&lt;br /&gt;    “I thought so,” he remarked finally. “Halloween. You’ve been trying to throw a scare into me. How trite. Who put you up to this—Ray? Ed? Forrest? Who?”&lt;br /&gt;    “Dr. Woodard, before I came over here, I took the liberty to look around a little bit. Tell me frankly, sir, have classes begun yet or are you taking a semester off?&lt;br /&gt;    “Oh that!” Woodard pounded his fist on the desk. “It’s Halloween. We’ve never had classes on Halloween . . . as long as I’ve been here anyway.”&lt;br /&gt;    The reporter breathed impatiently. “Dr. Woodard, do you know where your students are right now?”&lt;br /&gt;    Woodard was outraged and he tried in vain to hide it. “Of course, I make a point of touring this campus at least once a week . . .” He stumbled over his words. “Mister Mello, I take great offense at your insinuations. If I have nothing else I have control over this campus. I make sure of that!”&lt;br /&gt;    The reporter seemed placated. He shook his head pensively. He replaced the pad in his pocket and turned towards the door. Stopping short, he fished diligently in his pocket and pulled out a dime. He flipped it into the unsteady hands of the President.&lt;br /&gt;    “There, now you have something.” He closed the door behind him.&lt;br /&gt;    Woodard waited until he heard the wheezing amenities of his secretaries and the closing of the outer door. Immediately, he summoned his secretary on the intercom.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;“Mrs. Johnson, take this down. First, tell Servant to have his people report to Secobeck as usual starting tomorrow morning. We’re going to storm it.”&lt;br /&gt;    He paused. “And get Chief Bishop on the phone for me . . . oh, and Mrs. Johnson, how many loyal students are there now? Is that all? Have them assemble in the ballroom immediately.”&lt;br /&gt;    The wheezing voice protested.&lt;br /&gt;    Woodard raised his eyebrows. “Cannon fodder? Oh no, nothing like that. It’s just that the rebellion is too obvious. We need them to attend more classes and walk around a little more. I want no one in their dorms before dark. That’s all.”&lt;br /&gt;    The President listed impatiently to the pointless, but friendly suggestions. Finally, her voice tailed off and she hung up politely.&lt;br /&gt;    The harried college president grinded his teeth as he began to develop a scheme.&lt;br /&gt;    “Hmm, cannon fodder!” he thought to himself . . .&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;TO BE CONTINUED&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Note&lt;/strong&gt;: This writer feels no personal animosity towards Dr. Woodard or any other characters used (and to be used) in this series. &lt;strong&gt;Character distortions are purely for satirical purposes.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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              <text>Let me begin by saying that the &lt;em&gt;Bullet&lt;/em&gt; will be playing a role of increasing importance to Mary Washington College in the coming years.  MWC will soon face, I believe, a series of crises which will in large measure define the direction that the College will take in the future.  The crises will occur because of conflicts between dissatisfied male students and an Administration that refuses to change school policy in certain important ways.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The number of male MWC students has greatly increased over the last four years, and it appears that this trend will continue.  In the long run, the increase will benefit the College; it will lead to more realistic learning and living environment.  But there will be problems in the immediate future: because I don't think that an increasing male population will tolerate the anachronistic rules of this institution.  Further, there are signs that the sexual revolution that swept the nation in the late sixties might finally be reaching MWC; if so, then the women on campus will oppose certain policies of this school as vocally as will the men.  the classical example of MWC's refusal to accept the Twentieth Century is the College's visitation rules, but there are other, more subtle points as well.  And, as discontent festers, the administration will probably respond with still more rules and still more trenchant enforcement of those rules.  A more hard-line administrative policy might delay change for a little while, but eventually, the Powers That Be in GW will have to relent.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;As this situation progresses, the Bullet must keep the College informed of events as they occur.  It must aggressively investigate the issues, and coherently define and editorialize on those issues.  As &lt;em&gt;The Free Lance-Star&lt;/em&gt; wrote a few years ago, "the &lt;em&gt;Bullet&lt;/em&gt; must be free to express controversial subjects, to challenge the Establishment or the Administration or whatever."  But the newspaper must always remember that if a publication is to be effective, it must be considered legitimate and credible by the community within which it exists---and the &lt;em&gt;Bullet's&lt;/em&gt; community consists of faculty and administrators as well as students.  If a newspaper readership is distrustful of the publication's motives and intentions, the paper will be impotent as a force for change.  &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The &lt;em&gt;Bullet&lt;/em&gt; must keep three things in mind if it expects to be considered a legitimate voice of the College community.  First and foremost, its reporters and editors must do their journalistic homework.  News stories must be coldly dispassionate and objective. And editorials must also be grounded in solid research; personal cheap shots at the Administration, for example, can serve no purpose except to demean the quality of the paper in the eyes of everyone.  The recent experience of the &lt;em&gt;Prometheus&lt;/em&gt; should stand as compelling evidence of what happens when a publication is taken over by a few hotheads who react to situations with passion and emotion rather than with calm reflection; nothing will destroy the credibility of a newspaper faster.  Now &lt;em&gt;Prometheus&lt;/em&gt; is trying to change its stripes and become a &lt;em&gt;Phoenix, &lt;/em&gt;but it probably will not be able to rise from the ashes of its history.  And MWC has a long memory; once lost, legitimacy is difficult for a publication to regain.  Next year's &lt;em&gt;Bullet&lt;/em&gt; editorial board had better learn this lesson quickly.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Secondly, the &lt;em&gt;Bullet&lt;/em&gt; must be acutely aware of the consequences that the material it publishes can have on others.  It took me a long time, but I am finally beginning to internalize the reality of this fact.  Arnold Rosenfeld, editor of the &lt;em&gt;Dayton Daily News,&lt;/em&gt; put it well:  "we see ourselves as driven professionals, informed by good intentions and purposes.  Readers see us as moral vigilantes, driven only by the desire to sell newspapers.  We protest our meritorious intentions.  But the public does not understand.  We protest that we bear no responsibility for the consequences of our journalism.  It is a world, many of us feel, we never made.  We only report.  "Baloney.  As human beings, editors and reporters ought to be terribly burdened, haunted, by the very real consequences of our decisions to publish.  We ought to live uncomfortably with the fact that our journalism does damage.  It can only be redeemed by the knowledge that, on balance, it helped more than it hurt."&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Thirdly, the &lt;em&gt;Bullet&lt;/em&gt; must remain an integral part of the Mary Washington College community; members of that community must see the newspaper as &lt;strong&gt;their&lt;/strong&gt; institution and &lt;strong&gt;their&lt;/strong&gt; voice.  Rosenfeld argues convincingly that any newspaper must remain an "organic part of the community, rather than a brooding presence towering above it in judgment.  Newspapers need to be alert to community needs and failures, yet also be seen as institutions of fundamental goodwill, sharing pride as well as problems."&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The &lt;em&gt;Bullet&lt;/em&gt; can be a powerful voice in the future; given the problems MWC must confront and solve in the near future, it &lt;strong&gt;must&lt;/strong&gt; be a strong voice.  But whether anyone listens to that voice and takes it seriously will depend on how much credibility the College community gives to its newspaper. And that will depend on how the &lt;em&gt;Bullet&lt;/em&gt; handles itself in the months to come.  &lt;br /&gt;                                                             &lt;strong&gt;MAM&lt;/strong&gt;         </text>
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              <text>College Police officers have questioned three female Mary Washington College students about their involvement with one of the students recently arrested in connection with the drug raid on Madison Hall. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The police, who tied the three women to the Madison situation by means of physical evidence confiscated during the raid, declined comment. The three were questioned by the police on March 28, and all invoked their Fifth Amendment privilege against self-incrimination.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;During the March 24 drug raid on Madison, police found three photographs. Each photo depicted a male lighting "bongs" for three different women. Two days after the raid the male in the photographs was arrested and charged with possession of marijuana and paraphernalia. And two days after that, the three women depicted in the photos were questioned by the College Police. The bong itself was not confiscated in the March 24 raid. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;one of the three women was interrogated told the Bullet that " the cops just wanted information from us so that they can nail (our friend) in Madison. They just don't have enough evidence on the guys and they wanted our help. I don't think they'll try to get us also, but we could be subpoenaed to testify against the Madison guys."&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Another of the three female students who were questioned by College Police asserted that "those pictures are worthless as evidence, and the cops know it. There's no way to tell from them that we were smoking anything in these bongs other than cigarette tobacco-which I believe, is still legal even in the state of Virginia."&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The three women have contacted a local attorney for advice. One of the students said that their lawyer had advised them that they were required to talk to "no one-not the cops, not Woodard, not any other campus officials. Unless we're subpoenaed, then we might begin to worry."</text>
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              <text>[Title] Rally Condemns Suspensions&#13;
[Author] By Helen Marie McFalls&#13;
&#13;
"Innocent until proven guilty" and "due process of law" were the cries of a crowd of MWC students gathered on Westmoreland Green on Friday, March 30 to protest the suspensions of four Madison residents who were arrested in the Madison drug raid. President Prince B. Woodard suspended the four men the day after their arrests and scheduled administrative hearings for each on April 3. The purpose for the rally was to point out and protest the fact that these four students were barred from classes before any legal proof of their guilt was established; before the police lab reports determined whether the confiscated substances are illegal.&#13;
&#13;
According to Michael Mello, the first speaker at the rally and former president of the MWC chapter of NORML, "There are two problems with (the suspensions): these problems compose the essence of (this) protest. First, by suspending the students before the (civil court) hearing, Woodard is saying that they are guilty until proven innocent. They are being punished before a hearing has determined that they are even guilty of the offense . . . Second, there seems to be a problem with the College trying and punishing the students for the same offense that they will later be tried for in civil court. This smacks of double jeopardy . . ." &#13;
&#13;
After Mello outlined the reasons for the demonstration, Frederick Ford, a practicing attorney in Alexandria and a volunteer for the Virginia State chapter of NORML addressed the audience. Ford began by commending the gathered students for their efforts and stating "I hope the President (Woodard) is listening today." He then launched into an analysis of the issue being protested and the implications of the issue. He said, "It is a sad thing that this College's administration, by its actions, is trying to teach a very dangerous lesson. First they teach you in political science classes that people are innocent until proven guilty." He noted that we are taught that there are safeguards within the law to ensure that a person is treated as innocent until proven guilty and that no action can be taken until guilt is proved. "And now," he observed, "the administration is saying we don't care that a person is innocent until proven guilty. The administration only cares about raw, naked power and they have it and you (MWC students) are their slaves." &#13;
&#13;
Ford commented that the student protesters have "learned far better than the administration what our laws mean. You should be congratulated, they condemned."&#13;
&#13;
"I submit to the President of this college," Ford continued, "that this (possession of marijuana) &#13;
&#13;
[end page one]&#13;
[start page two]&#13;
&#13;
 is not a serious crime; not a serious problem. I cannot understand why the administration is taking such action for such a piddling offense." &#13;
&#13;
Finally Ford pledged the support of the state NORML saying, "With you, the state NORML chapter demands that these four students have the same rights that the members of the administration and every person have and deserve." &#13;
&#13;
Vice President of Custis dorm George Semples delivered the next address. "Who are we?" he began. "We are not a group of angry pot smokers, we are a group of concerned students." He noted that as students we can identify with the four Madison males who are losing "two precious and critical weeks of their education" for an offense that has yet to be proved. &#13;
&#13;
Semples said that he has seen the search warrant procured for the Madison drug raid. It was composed of three parts: first, the suspicion of paraphenalia. This, Semples noted, "is not illegal, and if there was substance inside that peraphenalia it is not yet proved. But these students are presently out of school." Second, the warrant stated suspicion of marijuana. The speaker said, "It might be obvious to us, it might be obvious to them but there is yet no proof (that the substance was indeed marijuana) and these students are still out of school." Third, the warrant contained a clause providing for the suspicion of distribution materials. A scale was confiscated during the raid. Semples noted simply, "It is not illegal to possess equipment to weigh things and yet these students are still out of school!" &#13;
&#13;
The last speaker of the day was MWC student John Schumacher. He noted that MWC is not and should not be a democracy. It is an oligopoly comprised of Woodard and the B.O.V. "But," he questioned, "is this oligopoly a just one?" Schumacher believes that the suspensions of the four Madison residents is an indication of the justice or lack thereof in MWC's administrative element. "It is obvious," he commented, "that the administration and the B.O.V. are more concerned with the reputation of the school than the justice of their policies." &#13;
&#13;
More than 100 people attended the rally. Press coverage included The Free Lance-Star, the Richmond Times-Dispatch, AVC-TV, WMWC and the Bullet. It should be noted that the rally was the result of a meeting of concerned students in Westmoreland on March 29. The four suspended Madison males were in no way involved in the protest and were not present at the rally. As Schumacher noted in the closing speech, "the concerns of this rally do not pertain to any individual case. It is a principle for which we fight."&#13;
&#13;
[end page two]&#13;
[start page three]&#13;
&#13;
[Image - Frederick Ford stands at microphone, with a sign labeled "Westmoreland Hall" in front of him]&#13;
[Image credit] Photograph by Houston Kempton&#13;
[Image caption] Frederick Ford, an Alexandria attorney who serves as a NORML volunteer, speaks at the protest on Westmoreland Green as ex-MWC NORML president Mike Mello and Eric Wootten look on.&#13;
&#13;
[end page three]&#13;
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                <text>McFalls, Helen Marie.  "Rally Condemns Suspensions." The Bullet (Mary Washington College, Fredericksburg, VA), April 3, 1979, p. 1.</text>
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              <text>The reverberations of Campus Security's "continuing investigateion" into the illicit drug situation at Mary Washington College spread throughout the MWC community last week as it became apparent that the Madison arrests could be only the beginning. The legality and general wisom of the arrest of five students, the suspension of four of them and the questioning of others were debated at impromptu meetings, in classrooms, in the SA Executive Cabinet and Senate. A petition drive was initiated and a rally was held.&lt;br /&gt;     Tutt Stapp, President of the MWC Chapter of the National Organization for the Reforma of Marijuana Laws, has offered her organization's aid to the students who have been arrested and suspended from school. Stapp hopes that the state NORML will provide supportive legal and financial help. One legal advisor for NORML told Stapp that the five students should attempt to secure a legal injunction against their suspension. This advisor expressed the opinion that such a quest stood fair chanced of success.&lt;br /&gt;     President Woodard met with the SA Executive Cabinet not long after the raid. At that meeting, Woodard informed the student leaders that a raid had occured and that students had been arrested. The President answered a few questions posed by tne Cabinet members.&lt;br /&gt;     The Executive Cabinet then held a meeting of its own. SA Whip Eric Wootten made a motion that Cabinet issue a statement protesting the arrests and suspensions. SA Vice President Steve Schlimgen agreed tha some sort of protest was in order, but argued that none could be effective until all of the case's facts were known to the Executive Cabinet. The other members agreed, and Wootten's motion was tabled.&lt;br /&gt;     Wootten, unsatisfied with the Cabinet's decision, drew up a petition. Aided by a number of other students,Wootten circulated his petition around campus. The document read" "On March 24, 1979, State, City and College Police entered Madison Hall with a warrant for the seizure of marijuana and related paraphanalia and the arrest of alleged distributors and possessors of marijuana. Since the trial has been set for Mary, the guilt of the accused students has not yet been established.&lt;br /&gt;     "We, the undersigned students of Mary Washington College, do hereby protest and demand the immediate reversal of the unjustified suspension of said individuals."&lt;br /&gt;     President Woodard told a gathering of Madison residents on March 26 that the petition would have "absolutely no effect" on his decisions in the case. Woodard said that "the suspension will not be reversed, even if you get every student on this campus to sign your petition."&lt;br /&gt;Two resolutions relating to the Madison raid and its aftermath were suggested at the March 27 meeting of the SA Student S ate. One, introduced by Tracy Hudson (Hamlet House), called for the creation of a Senate body to investigate the legality of suspending a student before any sort of hearing is held. Hudon's motion was referred to the Senate Special Projects Committee. Special Projects will begin its investigation by contacting the American Civil Liberites Union.&lt;br /&gt;     The second Senate motion was made by John Shumacher (Westmoreland). He suggested that the Senate officially endorse the Wootten petition protesting the suspensions; further, Shumacher wanted the Senate to make some sort of protest of its own. The motion was tabled (two to one) by a roll call vote; several senators expressed the opinion that it would be inappropriate for the Senate to issue an official protest until the Special Projects Committee completed its investigation.&lt;br /&gt;     One response to the Madison arrests and suspensions seemed to some observers uncharacteristic of the Somnolent Seventies in general and of MWC in particular: a protest rally was planned. An organizational meeting on March 28 drew approximately 50 students. The group, led by Eric Wootten, agreed that a "gathering" would be held on Westmoreland Circle on Friday, March 30, at 3:45.&lt;br /&gt;     The Westmoreland meeting opened with a suggestion that the rally not be held because of the possible detrimental effects it could have on the cases of the students presently suspended from school. One observer argued that "the guys are just scared; they don't want to make noise, and they don't want you to make noise." Another student responded that "what we are dealing with here is a principle-the principle of suspension without a trial. There comes a time when a statement of principle must be made. We are not protesting these individual cases; we are protesting the concept behind them."&lt;br /&gt;     After a general concensus was reached that some sort of demonstration would be appropriate, the question became: exactly what is the arim of the protest? One student appeared to express the sentiments of the group when he said "we are not protesting the present drug laws; we are not even really protesting these busts. Rather, we are protesting the fact that these guys have been suspended without first receiving a trial of hearing. In effect, Woodard is saying that these students are guilty until proven innocent; at this point, it has not even been established that any illicit drugs were confiscated in the raid. The Police Crime Lab won't issue a report on the evidence seized for four to six weeks."&lt;br /&gt;     The remainder of the meeting was taken up with the logistical problems of planning a successful demonstration: publicity, the procurement of speakers, the legality of the rally itself. The gathering ended on an optimistic note, with all present pledging to help prepare for Friday's event.</text>
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              <text>In addition to facing criminal charges in Fredericksburg City Court for possession of marijuana, the five Mary Washington College students arrested in connection with last Saturday's raid of Madison Hall will be subject to an Administrative Hearing before MWC President Prince B. Woodard. Four of the five men have also been suspended from the College; the suspension will remain in effect until the Administrative Hearing, according to Woodard.&lt;br /&gt;     The drug raid, unprecedented in Mary Washington College's history, occurred on March 24 at approximately 8:00 p.m. The desk aide on duty at the time said that "the side door to the dorm opened; the door had been locked, so the police must have had keys. Then about eight cops came running in. Two went into a room on the first floor, and the others went upstairs."&lt;br /&gt;     One of the students who was arrested said that he "heard a knock on the door. I answered it and there were four cops; they showed me a search warrant and came into the room. Then they sat me down and read me my rights. At that point, a State Policeman from Hanover County searched my room. They didn't find any pot, only twelve seeds and a bong. Then they took me to the station and charged me with possession of marijuana and paraphenalia. I never made any statements implying that I even knew those things were in my room." The next day, this student was informed that he had been suspended from the College pending an Administrative Hearing.&lt;br /&gt;     Four students were arrested in the March 24 raid. One was charged with possession of marijuana and paraphanalia. Two were charged only with possession of marijuana. One was charged in Juvenile Court because he was under 18 years old and hence was considered a juvenile under Virginia law. A fifth student was arrested on March 26 and charged with possession of marijuana and paraphanalia. All five have been released from police custody, without bond, on their own recognicence.&lt;br /&gt;     No precise cataloguing of the material evidence seized in the raid is possible at this time. Some is still being analyzed by the police laboratory in Richmond.&lt;br /&gt;     The four students arrested in the March 24 raid have been suspended from the College by MWC President Prince B. Woodard, pending an Administrative Hearing. All five were arraigned in General District Court on March 27. Two of the students were arrested by state policemen. The others were arrested by campus security officers or city policemen.&lt;br /&gt;     The &lt;em&gt;Student Handbook&lt;/em&gt; provides that the possession and use of marijuana is a violation of the College regulations as well as an infraction of federal and state laws: "Violations of these rules may result in suspension or expulsion from the College, as well as prosecution by the civil authorities" (p.31) The &lt;em&gt;Handbook&lt;/em&gt; further provides that "if the College authorities have reasonable cause to believe that a College rule is being violated in a a manner which prejudices the proper and efficient operation of the College or the welfare of the student body generally, the College authorities may inspect the student's room for the purpose of investigating the violation and enforcing the College's rules. If there is reasonable ground for belief that the violation is taking place, the search is necessary for the investigation of the violation and the enforcement of the rule, and action against the offender is limited to administrative procedures as distinguished from criminal proceedings. No search warrant would be required.&lt;br /&gt;     "The Dean of Student Services accompanied by the Residence Hall Director and a student hall official should participate in such a search. The College police may assist in such a search.&lt;br /&gt;     "If the search is to be made for the purpose of investigating a violation of the criminal law as opposed to a College rule, a search warrant must be obtained even though actual prosecution may not be contemplated." (p.54)&lt;br /&gt;     The cases of the five who were charged in General District Court should come to trial in Fredericksburg sometime in early June. In the meantime, four of the five involved have been suspended from MWC by President Woodard. When asked for his reasons, Woodard said that "it would not be appropriate for them to remain on campus until the Administrative Hearing." The Hearing has been scheduled for April 3.&lt;br /&gt;     According to the &lt;em&gt;Student Handbook&lt;/em&gt;, "the purpose of the Administrative Hearing is to provide the President with a full account of the circumstances and facts involved. The hearing is not a judicial proceeding . . . When all parties have presented their facts, the President shall adjourn the hearing, and as soon thereafter as possible, arrive at his decision.&lt;br /&gt;     "The Board of Visitors has charged the President of the College with the responsiblity for student discipline and the regulation of the various aspects of student life at the College. The President has delegated to the Student Association authority for supervising many phases of student life, including the formulation and enforcement of mutually-agreed-upon regulations. There are other regulations, however, for which the administration of the College must maintain primary responsiblity for enforcing. In addition, violations of local, State, and Federal laws are subject to criminal prosecution by these bodies." (pp.26-7)&lt;br /&gt;     President Woodard told a meeting of Madison residents on March 26 that he had known the Saturday search was going to occur before it actually happened. When asked why these particular rooms were singled out, the President said, "I don't know. It was their (the police's) investigation. I hope they have more facts than I do."</text>
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              <text>&lt;p&gt;There seems to have arisen some controversy over the specifics involved when a case deals with both aspects of Honor and Judicial Violations. Should such a case come before Honor, Judicial, or both and in what order? If the case comes before both courts of student action, does this indeed constitute double jeopardy? Does a policy need to be formed to cover all cases that fall in this category, or should each case continue to be decided on its individual merit? This article will attempt to deal with these considerations in terms of the alleged Honor Violation of Lying in conjunction with alleged Judicial Violations.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;If a student is confronted with an alleged judicial violation, the accused is assumed innocent of that charge until proven guilty by the judicial court. Additionally the accused has the right to state his or her innocence to that judicial charge in one of several ways: by pleading the 5&lt;sup&gt;th&lt;/sup&gt; amendment in the right to remain silent or in pleading guilty to the offense as charged, and tailoring the case to fit the plea. However, under the present system, an accused student may compound a problem, expanding it to involve an Honor Offense as well. But only in a specific sense. For example, the accuser questions the accused in relation to a specific part of the offense that he or she was visual witness to , and the accused denies the fact. A misrepresentation of the truth is no less a misrepresentation becuase it is about a Judicial Offense. Granted, the lie would not have been an issue if a Judicial Offense had not come into play. There exists, however, a very real difference between maintaining one’s innocence through an impulsive lie to cover for one’s actions.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;A direct lie to cover for one’s action is in our System, by precedence, taken to Honor. The reasoning behind this has been based in what has seemed fairest to the accused in terms of both Honor and Judicial. First, Honor deals with the lie, deciding on guilt or innocence and then hands down one of three penalties: No Dismissal, suspension, or Absolute Dismissal. These decisions are made only on direct evidence presented to the Council surrounding the lie itself. Then, if the case further warrants Judicial proceedings it will go to Judicial for a decision and Judicial penalty based only on the Judicial Violation charges. The Honor Council’s decision will not be known to, nor will it figure in the voting Judicial Council’s decisions.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Precedence in such cases has taken into consideration the power of the Honor Council’s decision and realm of penalty: that the Council can directly dismiss a student from the college. It seems ludicrous to think that a student should be subject to first one trial, receive a fine or extra desk duty; then to a second, and in the second trial face the possibility of Absolute Dismissal.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;It is equally ludicrous to consider as a logical extension that since we may be charged with lying with the Judicial case, that if we plead “not guilty” is merely a formal courtroom procedure around which to build one’s case. An accused may plead “not guilty” even in the face of  “obvious” guilt if: 1) the accused believes that he or she is not guilty, or 2) if the accused is not willing to face the specific charges as they stand. Once a verdict and penalty are handed down by any judicial body (unless an appeal process is completed to the contrary) the decision stands, and the accused assumes (in effect, becomes) the decision of the court.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Another aspect to consider is that of double jeopardy. Because a case may come before both Honor and Judicial Councils, does this constitute double jeopardy? By definition of the two separate entities, it does not. Again, Honor will deal only with that which clearly falls under its jurisdiction. No case will be accepted that is not clearly within the realm. Neither our Honor System, nor our Judicial System claim to be qualified to deal with decisions in a real court of law, nor their penalties. In the particular type of case which we are concerned with here, there is no doubt that either body is dealing with “criminals.”&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;It appears that due to the delicate nature of each individual case, especially those that fall under this discussion, it is necessary to continue to decide the effect of Honor upon each case depending on circumstance. There are always fine line cases that will be difficult to classify. When such a case occurs it may be best to bypass the Honor Council. But, when a case is clear cut, and deals with lying and a Judicial Offense, both effects of the total violation must be handled separately.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;With proper discretion, it is possible to avoid such conflicts. If the accuser uses thought and tact in addressing a potential accused, there should exist no set up for the probability of an Honor Violation. Inform a student that you are considering Judicial procedure—don’t provide them the unfortunate opportunity to react to a pointed question of accusation with a lie to cover for their actions.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt; &lt;/p&gt;</text>
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