1 20 70 https://hist299.umwhistory.org/files/original/fd1b1badc4a0fc48d720fc2c9c62453b.jpg 269f6951f51410b4cce205efc518713d https://hist299.umwhistory.org/files/original/4b8f7fadd91c920e02cd431d39fb16be.jpg 732655f90b0a243b3d7d041cd9e2a279 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Michael A. Mello Papers, Series 1 News Clippings, Binder 1, 1976-1979 Text Original Format The type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data Newspaper Contributor of the Digital Item Person submitting the digital item to the collection. Garcia, Lauren Text Any textual data included in the document Carmichael urges au..to to push 'people's revolution By Karen L. Scrivo While 300 students occupied the Kent State University administration building Wednesday night, across campus national black activist Stokely Carmichael advocated a "people's revolution." Speaking to about 1,000 persons at the Student Center Ballroom, a fiery Carmichael damned capitalism and predicted the inevitability of socialism in America. "Socialism is an economic system whose motive is not progress, but to serve humanity," Carmichael shouted. The material manifestation of socialism, Carmichael pointed out, is that the people own the means of production. "When you're talking about revolution, you're talking about changes," he said, "and everything is changing all the time." The goal of socialism, as Carmichael sees it, is to achieve equality for all. "Capitalism is powerful, but it is no match for the people," Carmichael intoned. Drawing on the revolutionary lives of Martin Luther King and Malcolm X, Carmichael said the revolutionary process could be repeated. Peace is impossible under capitalism, he said. "Capitalism reinforces the animal instincts of human beings and encourages the strong to devour the weak. "Any conscious man or woman, who is strong, has a responsibility to help the weak become strong," Carmichael said. He charged that capitalism utilized the negative aspects of Christianity to sell the message that human beings are basically evil and incapable of transforming themselves. "Men and women are capable of being greedy, but they are also capable of being altruistic," Carmichael said. Speaking about the student movement in the 1960's, he said that the 'enemy,' which he called the capitalists, sought to disperse the energies of the movement. "The FBI destroyed the movement by sending students down different paths like drugs, back to nature and mysticism," he said. He advocated an African revolution movement within the U.S. black population. Tying them to their roots in the African continent, Carmichael said. "Only when Africa is free, will we be free. On the backs of Africans, capitalism has existed and sustained itself. Stokely Carmichael, nationally known black activist, came to the student sit-in in Rockwell Hall Wednesday night after his scheduled speech to about 1,000 in the Student Center Ballroom. Carmichael told the students "to keep the fires burning to help the struggling masses of humanity." Carmichael spoke to the sit-in crowd only about five minutes before leaving. His talk was sponsored by the KSU Student Caucus, the student government, which...student money to pay...by Ernie Mastroianni. Student Editor of the Digital Item Williams, Megan Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Carmichael Urges Audience to Push 'People's' Revolution Subject The topic of the resource Socialism and Society Capitalism--United States--History Description An account of the resource A newspaper article about black activist Stokely Carmichael who started a "people's revolution". Carmichael spoke to 1,000 people at Kent State University saying that capitalism is going away and that socialism is coming to America. He saw socialism as the means of gaining equality for everyone. He said that under capitalism, peace could not occur. He spoke about the student movement of the 1960s saying that capitalists wanted to disperse the movement's energies. The FBI ended the movement by making students turn to drugs and mysticism. He also said that when Africa is free that America will be free. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Scrivo, Karen L. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Newspaper Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available HIST 298, University of Mary Washington Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1960s Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource The materials in this online collection are held by Special Collections, Simpson Library, University of Mary Washington and are available for educational use. For this purpose only, you may reproduce materials without prior permission on the condition that you provide attribution of the source. Language A language of the resource English Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant Kent, OH Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource 2 JPG 300 dpi Capitalism Kent State University Socialism https://hist299.umwhistory.org/files/original/09ceeb302051dbef3ec949a100afd0b4.jpg be24d5df9cdd7f3859d4f6606dcdc191 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Michael A. Mello Papers, Series 1 News Clippings, Binder 1, 1976-1979 Text Original Format The type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data Newspaper Contributor of the Digital Item Person submitting the digital item to the collection. Garcia, Lauren Text Any textual data included in the document Marijuana: 'Legalizing' Movement By Georgetta Sharman Special to the Times Fredericksburg- According to a 1975 U.S. government study, almost 30 million people in the United States have smoked marijuana. Of those 30 million, almost 5,000 Virginians were arrested and prosecuted under the current criminal law, costing Virginia taxpayers close to $6 million in law enforcement resources. The National Organization for the Reform of Marijuana Laws (NORML) is working to change this situation by lobbying for the decriminalization of marijuana. The local chapter of NORML, based on Mary Washington College campus, was begun in the fall of 1976 and has approximately 15 regular members. And contrary to popular belief, according to president Mike Mello, the chapter is very conservative. "Most people think its the campus potheads who make up NORML," he said, "but they're the very ones who don't come because they're afraid they'll be discovered. A lot of people in NORML don't smoke marijuana." Still, most students are afraid to join NORML. One of the editors of last year's "Bullet," the campus newspaper, started what Mello termed a "wave of paranoia." "She had people believing they would get into some kind of trouble if they joined NORML," he said. Their common apprehension is that the administration would put their names on a "hate list" and keep them from getting into graduate schools or good jobs. Some are nervous about belonging to a "radical" organization or being thought a "pothead." In reality, however, the administration of the college has been no problem. "They bent over backward to let me start a chapter on this campus," said Mello. There are also several faculty advisors for the group. Most of NORML's activities center around education the campus and community about marijuana. During the 1976-77 academic year, NORML sponsored two speakers, John K. Zwerling, the Virginia state coordinator, and R. Keith Stroup, a member of NORML's board of directors; held a concert and bake sale to raise money; and showed two films. Money raised by the concert and bake sales goes into the defense fund. Similar activities are planned for this year. Mello also hopes the group can start a library about marijuana, both pro and con, that will be open to the public. A public debate on the legal, medical, and social aspects of pot is also being planned. Mello, though not a pot smoker when he started NORML last year, believes firmly that marijuana should be decriminalized. "I became interested in NORML for the same reason whites marched with blacks during Civil Rights ane straights supported gays against Anita Bryant," he explained. "The rationale behind the marijuana laws has been discredited; they're an anachoronism. Other anachronistic laws, like running 20 feet in front of a car with a red warning light, are no longer applied, but people are still going to jail for pot. And recent surveys show 86 per cent of the people are pro-decriminalization." Decriminalization would remove criminal penalties for the possession and use of small amounts of marijuana. Current state laws define possession as a misdemeanor, punishable by one year in jail, a $1,000 fine, or both; possession of larger amounts, termed "possession with intent to distribute," carries a fine of $25,000 or a jail term of 5 to 40 years, or both. While most states set one ounce as the dividing line between use and distribution, Virginia has no such guidelines. The penalty is left totally in the hands of the judge. Therefore, theoretically, it is possible to receive the maximum penalty for the possession of one joint, a marijuana cigarette, which contains less than one ounce of pot. Eight states have already decriminalized pot, substituting a citation-enforced fine, much like a traffic ticket, for the criminal penalties. President Carter's recent endorsement of decriminalization gives the issue more "respectability" according to Mello. Current laws and attitudes toward Marijuana were formed in the 1930's by such films as "Reefer Madness" and "Marijuana-Assassin of Youth", both of which were shown last year at MWC. The latter film was part of a 1936 campaign to have marijuana outlawed in the U.S. It presented fictionalized case histories in which pot, in and of itself, led men to, in Mello's words, "rape, pillage, and kill", the film also implied that pot was directly linked to organized crime. NORML does not advocate the use of marijuana or any other drug. It does feel however, that current penalties far outweigh the seriousness of the offense. Mello stated the MWC chapter's attitude very simply--"While marijuana is not good for you, prison is worse." Student Editor of the Digital Item Williams, Megan Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Marijuana: 'Legalizing' Movement Begins Description An account of the resource A newspaper article which states that according to a 1975 United States government study, about 30 million people have smoked marijuana. About 5,000 Virginians were arrested for smoking marijuana. The National Organization for the Reform of Marijuana Laws (NORML) is lobbying for decriminalization of marijuana. NORML has 15 members at Mary Washington College. Many people did not join because they were afraid they would get in trouble, not be able to graduate and that people would think they use marijuana. Their goal is to educate about marijuana. Mike Mello believes that the usage of marijuana should not be considered a criminal act. In Virginia, judges choose what the penalty is for users of marijuana. Mello said "while marijuana is not good for you, prison is worse." Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Sharman, Georgetta Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1977-09-14 Subject The topic of the resource Marijuana--Law and Legislation Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The Spotsylvania Times Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available HIST 298, University of Mary Washington Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource The materials in this online collection are held by Special Collections, Simpson Library, University of Mary Washington and are available for educational use. For this purpose only, you may reproduce materials without prior permission on the condition that you provide attribution of the source. Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource 1 JPG 300 dpi Language A language of the resource English Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant Fredericksburg, VA Marijuana Mary Washington College The National Organization for the Reform of Marijuana Laws https://hist299.umwhistory.org/files/original/01516508d56f7f512f2a562ed212368b.jpg c7e34611bdf5a5ffcd466d4fb57bff9a https://hist299.umwhistory.org/files/original/6c8735f0622ca13d06ce6c6e367315ed.jpg 1d2de1516ffa0f449eb7ee99832ce9f6 https://hist299.umwhistory.org/files/original/efdfe75829771fbf1f8623fd9cc4c898.jpg 70a4e638dc7f409033de84ae34fe1ebd https://hist299.umwhistory.org/files/original/ae96fe52bda6dd9fd7c073d81f6c094d.jpg d0d07e40c16568d8915e7d99d9a0e495 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Michael A. Mello Papers, Series 1 News Clippings, Binder 1, 1976-1979 Text Text Any textual data included in the document <div style="text-align:center;">"Senate Vice President Says Constitution is a Farce"</div> <div style="text-align:left;">Reprinted from PROMETHEUS (Nov. 11 issue) By Mike Mellow The following, a taped interview, took place on October 3, 1977 in room 215 of Bushnell Dorm. Prometheus: Jim, two weeks ago you were Vice President of the Student Senate, a day student senator, and a day student judicial representative; besides that, you had plans for running for President of S. A. next year. Today, you have resigned from all your positions in S. A. and have in effect withdrawn from campus politics. What happened? Boyd: The whole thing started when Mike McCoy, who is President of the Day Student Association and a member of a committee formed by Executive Cabinet to re-write the Constitution of the Student Association, asked me to help him re-write the sections of the Constitution relating to day students. While doing so, I discovered Section 4, Article 6 of the Constitution, which deals with eligibility of students to hold office on the Executive Cabinet. That Section reads: "Eligibility for an office within the Executive Cabinet shall be dependent upon... full-time student status and the maintenance thereof throughout the tenure of office." At the beginning of the year, during registration, I was talking to Kathy Mayer who is now President of the S. A. (and who is not only a member of Executive Cabinet but presides over it) and she told me she was only taking 10 hours. Well, when I read this Article 6, Section 4, of the Constitution last week, I remembered that Kathy Mayer was only taking ten class hours. Everything that the administration has ever told the day student, in any way, shape or form, has defined a "full-time student" as one who is taking 12 semester credit hours. This is how a "full-time student" has been defined. Thus, it seemed to me that Kathy Mayer was holding office-illegally. Prometheus: What action did you take then? Boyd: I brought up the issue with two people, besides Mark, who were curious about the same situation. One of these people thought that my whole interest in the matter was a move on my part to get publicity and possible even more power: if Kathy resigned as President, Barb Stammerjohn would have become President and I would have succeeded Barb as Vice President of S. A. and President of the Senate: This person also knew that I was planning to run for President of the S. A. next year. I talked the entire situation over with my wife, who is a graduate of M. W. C., and we concluded that I had three alternatives. One was to stay on as Vice-President of S. A. and press charges in the Senate against Kathy Mayer for holding office illegally under the Constitution. I thought that I would probably lose in such an effort, mainly because G. W. would get into the middle of the argument. The second alternative I had was to stay in office, be a hypocrite and not fulfill my obligations under Article 6 Section 7 of the Constitution, under which I solemnly promised to "maintain the Constitution of the Student Association of Mary Washington College" as an officer of the S. A. The third alternative I had was to resign and to leave it in their hands to do what they saw fit. I submitted my resignation to Kathy Mayer and the rest of the Executive Cabinet as well as Mark McCoy and Cindy Heflin, Vice President of the Day Students Association, on October 27. The Executive Cabinet had a meeting that afternoon, which Mark and I attended. We all discussed the situation, and I said that the main reason for my resignation was the fact that I did not want to press the issue and if I remained on as either a Senator or as Vice President of the Senate, I would have to press it because of my oath to uphold the Constitution. A major fight in Senate over this issue would have opened up a huge sore in the S.A.'s ability to function; it would have laid a big question mark upon the validity of Kathy Mayer's holding office, no matter who won the case. Prometheus: What else happened at that October 27 meeting of Executive Cabinet? Boyd: They wanted to involve President Woodard, Dean Clement and Dean Croushore in the discussion, because Kathy was under the assumption that she was a full-time student because she had gotten permission from her faculty adviser (who happens to be on the of the assistant deans), from Dean Clement and from Dean Croushore to take the equivalent of part-time load (less than twelve hours), to remain on campus in a dorm, and to remain in the position of S.A. President. My whole point was the Constitution does not allow for any exemption in any way, shape, or form from any part of it. This was what I based my resignation on. Prometheus:Did you ever meet with members of the administration on this question? Boyd: Yes, on Friday the 28th, at about 4:30, the Executive Cabinet met with President Woodard; Dean Clement and Dean Croushore did not attend, though they were scheduled to be there. President Woodard informed us that his office, the office of the Dean, or the office of Financial Aid and Admissions, are the sole authorities of what is and what is not student status and have the right anytime, in any way, shape or form to change the status of any student as they see fit. Prometheus: But, given that, given the fact that the administration seems to be able to superceed or modify the Constitution at whim, doesn't it seem that Kathy is, in fact, holding office legally? I mean, since they modified the rules, she can't be accused of violating the OLD rules. Boyd: As far as the administration is concerned, as far as President Woodard is concerned, as far as Executive cabinet is concerned, she is holding office legally: because G.W. has declared her a full-time student. I upon learning of that fact, was asked by Executive Cabinet to take my resignation and to stay in office. I refused to do this, because I felt that if the Constitution was worth the paper it was written on, what is said was what it meant: the catalogue states twelve hours. There are no exceptions in the Constitution; therefore, I would not withdraw my resignation. Prometheus: Does the STUDENT HANDBOOK provide for any such exemptions? Boyd: The Handbook does not, neither does the Constitution. But from what President Woodard told us on the 28th of October, there are four or five exemptions, depending on how you define it, where G.W. will allow a student to take less than twelve hours and still be classified as a full-time student. One of those is if the students agrees to pay the full-time students status fee for tuition, room, board and activities fees. He also said that this goes for day students as well as residential students: if the student wanted to pay the full amount that is charged as a full-time student, he could take three hours if he wanted to and still be classified as a full-time student. An exemption might also be given if a student is handicapped, and physically cannot get around and can take but so many hours. Another is when a faculty advisor puts in writing in fact that a student is having trouble and cannot cannot handle a full load of twelve hours. Kathy was exempted for this reason: with her holding office as S.A. President, they felt that her work load would be more than she could handle if she had to carry a full class load as well. So she went to summer school and took courses so she will, in May, have enough credits to graduate. Prometheus: But, when given the fact that she could not take the full course load and hold office, why did they lower the course load rather than take away her office? Do these exemptions not undermine the whole rationale behind that Section 4 in the Constitution? Boyd: That was my thought on it. The Constitution says you must be a full-time student. To me a full-time student is one who takes twelve hours or more. Period. Kathy was given permission back last spring, when she was advised by her faculty advisor to come to summer school, because the administration likes to have at least one member of the Executive Cabinet on campus all year round. So Kathy came and took classes. She was also advised, at that same time, that she could take less than twelve hours this semester. She received this permission from her faculty advisor, from Dean Clement and from Dean Croushore. It was brought up in the meeting of October 28th that this has been common practice in times past, but it has never before been raised in quite this manner. You know how this place is: you have to dig deep to find where all the exemptions are on anything. Prometheus: So Kathy knew last spring when she was advised that she would be taking less than twelve hours? Boyd: That's correct. She didn't know that when she ran for office, though. When she ran, she expected to take a full class load. But when she was advised by her advisor on what courses to take in the following fall semester, it was brought to her attention that this practice had been used in the past, and it would be advisable for her (with the work load of the S.A. President) to take a smaller load and to come to summer school. All of this boils down to one thing: our student Constitution, which is supposedly what we're governed under, is not worth the paper it is written on. And the Student Association is, in effect, no more than a puppet of the administration because the administration has the right to veto any decision of the Senate, the judicial, or the Executive Cabinet. When the Executive Cabinet originally formed this committee to rewrite the Constitution, I thought it was a good idea: because there are a lot of contradictions and ambiguities in it. But President Woodard stated that, before it is submitted to the student body next February, he has the right to read Constitution as proposed and to make any changes he sees fit in it. So, basically he is ruling this campus as if we didn't have the Constitution: Prometheus: How does the present case involving Kathy Mayer compare with Steve Jackson's case last year? (Steve was a part-time day student who was denied the chairmanship of the Senate Finance Committee because he was not taking twelve hours.) Boyd: This case compares with Steve's in some respects, and in other respects it does not. Steve had graduated and was only taking three hours as a part-time student: he was paying only part-time fees. If he was paying the fees of full-time day student, they would not (according to what President Woodard told him) have declared him ineligible to hold office. So really, Steve's case isn't really comparable. A comparable case might look like this: take a day student who is taking ten hours and who is paying the full day-student fee. Let's say this student decides to run for office: it would require the permission of either the Dean's Office, or the President before that student could run. even though that student is paying full amount. President Woodard said that it is not an arbitrary decision on the part of the student status; it is up to the administration to grant such permission. The administration may declare this student "full-time" or "part-time", regardless of how many hours he is taking. It's just like a dorm student who at the beginning of the semester, is taking 16 hours and decides to drop six of them right at the end of the drop period. That student is allowed to remain in the dorms and is classified as full-time student even though he is now, at least technically, a part-time student. Whenever you come up with a rule that is supposedly in black-and-white in the Handbook, there is always an exemption or qualification to it that allows that rule to be either broken or bent or totally ignored. Prometheus: So the criteria of full-time student status seems to be the payment of the full-time fees rather than the taking a full-time class load? Boyd: That was the question I put to President Woodard, and he said that it depended on the other things I mentioned earlier. For instance, illness might be grounds for exemption. Prometheus: Do you plan to run for S.A. President next year? Boyd: I am not planning, willing, nor will I seek or accept any student elected office at Mary Washington College for the duration of my membership in its academic community due to the fact that our Constitution is a farce. Prometheus: Are you trying to "get " Kathy Mayer? Boyd: No, I am not. I think she acted in good faith. She was following what she was told by her advisor and by the dean. I disagree with the right of the dean and the President to state what is and what is not a full-time student. Prometheus: One final thought: when your resignation was read to the Senate, I understand from my Senator that the second paragraph, which read "I find that I cannot fulfill my oath (of office) because of a violation of Article VI, Section 4, by a member of the Executive Cabinet, with the full knowledge of the Executive Cabinet" was omitted. Is this true? Boyd: I did not attend the Senate meeting, so I don't know for sure. But I received the same information. Prometheus: May we have permission to print your letter of resignation in full? Boyd: Yes, you may.</div> Contributor of the Digital Item Person submitting the digital item to the collection. Toussant, Kayla Original Format The type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data Newspaper Student Editor of the Digital Item Williams, Megan Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Senate Vice-President Says Constitution is a Farce Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available HIST 298, University of Mary Washington Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource The materials in this online collection are held by Special Collections, Simpson Library, University of Mary Washington and are available for educational use. For this purpose only, you may reproduce materials without prior permission on the condition that you provide attribution of the source. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Mello, Michael A. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Mello, Michael A. "Senate Vice-President Says Constitution is a Farce." The Bullet (VA), November 15, 1977. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1977-11-15 Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource 4 JPG 300 dpi Language A language of the resource English Description An account of the resource Interview of former Vice President of the Student Senate at Mary Washington College, conducted by Mike Mello. The interview involved the Vice President of the Student Senate's reason for resigning after a disagreement about not following the Constitution of Student Associations at Mary Washington College. Subject The topic of the resource College student government Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant Fredericksburg, VA College Government College Student Constitution Student Government https://hist299.umwhistory.org/files/original/b9d2a997244edac4ac1f8a89e35d67d8.jpg 73769b513e3e0baf9ba48e72afc153d5 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Michael A. Mello Papers, Series 1 News Clippings, Binder 1, 1976-1979 Text Original Format The type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data Newspaper Contributor of the Digital Item Person submitting the digital item to the collection. Kowalewski, Carolyn Text Any textual data included in the document Letters Dear Editor, Dr. Thomas Johnson’s reiteration of his belief that THE BULLET is “anything but an example of a free press” deserves comment. His letter of January 31 makes essentially two assertions: first, that the administration, through the Board of Publications, censors THE BULLET; second, that the MWC newspaper should correct this situation by declaring its financial independence by refusing to accept any of the student activity fee and funding itself solely by advertising. This first view is patently untrue, and the second is unrealistic. Dr. Johnson does not seem to understand the role and purpose of the MWC Board of Publications. First, the Board is neither a “school administrative body” nor an “official element of the administration,” as Dr. Johnson would have us believe. The Board is composed of 15 members: the editors, business managers and the advisors of THE BULLET, BATTLEFIELD, and AUBADE, the SA Vice President, two students and one faculty member-at-large, the Comptroller, and the Director of Information Services. As a simple head count will reveal, nine members of the Board are students, three are members of the faculty, one is the editor of The Free Lance-Star and only two are members of the administration. Since most decisions of the Board require no more than a simple majority, it is clear that the Board is not a “school administrative body.” Secondly, Dr. Johnson seems to be under the mistaken impression that the Board of Publication grants THE BULLET its funding. The Board only recommends a proposed budget for the newspaper to the SA Senate Finance Committee; it is Finance, not the Board of Publications, that decides what portion of the student activities fee THE BULLET will receive each year. Needless to say, the Senate Finance Committee is composed exclusively of students and is presided over a chairman who is elected by the campus-at-large. Thirdly, Dr. Johnson is wrong to claim that THE BULLET is “censored” by the Publication Board. On the contrary, The Handbook comes closer to the truth when it states that the Board “guarantees editorial freedom for the student publications to maintain their integrity of purpose as vehicles for free inquiry and free expression.” The Board meets infrequently and never sees the layout of the BULLET prior to publication. Its Constitution does not grant it the power to veto any piece of copy for any reason. How then, may it censor? Dr. Johnson suggests that THE BULLET will never be a free press until it gains its revenue solely from “advertisers, purchasers or contributors.” As an example of such a “free press,” Dr. Johnson cites PROMETHEUS, which receives no MWC funding at all. If Prometheus can do it, then why can’t THE BULLET, asks Dr. Johnson. The absurdity of this question is underscored by a brief comparison of the two publications. PROMETHEUS prints every two weeks; the Bullet goes to press weekly. PROMETHUES prints 500 copies per issue; THE BULLET prints 3000. A standard 12-page issue of PROMETHUES costs $100; a four page BULLET costs $316; a six-page paper costs $473; an eight-page paper costs $580; a ten-page paper costs $770. One page of PROMETHEUS is 7” x 8 ½” as compared to the BULLET’S 15” x 22 ½”. In other words, an entire 12-page issue of PROMETHEUS would almost fit on two pages of the BULLET. As Fate would have it, the BULLET is presently an example of a free press, even by Dr. Johnson’s strict definition. Due to the incompetence of THE BULLET’S former business manager, the paper has completely exhausted its Finance Committee allotment for the year and is now being supported solely by advertising revenue. An intensive ad campaign has increased advertising revenue by 700 percent since the beginning of the semester (from six ads per issue to 42. But even with this intensive effort, the BULLET still had a $140 deficit for last week’s issue. There is no stronger testimony to the absurdity of Dr. Johnson’s position that THE BULLET should finance itself solely by “advertisers, purchasers or contributors.” Once again, Dr. Johnson idealism has blinded him to the real world. Dr. Johnson claims that the administration censors our campus newspaper. But if this is true, then how does THE BULLET manage to print such pieces as “Blame Enough For All” in the November 11, 1977 issue. Helen McFalls’ December 8 editorial on Kathy Mayer, and Elliott Wentz’s article on the Pam Burrows Honor Trial? Why are Gary Webb (who termed the “Westmoreland Four” trial a “Kangaroo Court”) and Thomas Vandever (who wrote that this year’s DVIR was “truly a war criminal”) both still holding positions of importance on the staff of the newspaper? The BULLET IS an example of a free press, and they are proof. Michael Mello Student Editor of the Digital Item Williams, Megan Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Letters Subject The topic of the resource College student newspapers and periodicals Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available HIST 298, University of Mary Washington Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1978- 02-14 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource The materials in this online collection are held by Special Collections, Simpson Library, University of Mary Washington and are available for educational use. For this purpose only, you may reproduce materials without prior permission on the condition that you provide attribution of the source. Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource 1 JPG 300 dpi Language A language of the resource English Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant Fredericksburg, VA Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Mello, Michael A. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The Bullet Description An account of the resource Michael Mello's response to Dr. Thomas Johnson's belief that The Bullet is no an example of a free press. He believes it to be censored by the Board of Publications. https://hist299.umwhistory.org/files/original/dddef3d40bb3614c34a3dff9a929037e.jpg 7b4b43a1c43b9ac05d3f3aab6bc2db19 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Michael A. Mello Papers, Series 1 News Clippings, Binder 1, 1976-1979 Text Text Any textual data included in the document "Backfire ERA" Editor: You (Ellie Schettino, Bullet, April 15, 1976) write: "Women have been and always will be equal to men, especially intellectually. It's about time the government recognize this." The government already has recognized it: Article VI of the 1964 Civil Rights Act states "That each federal department and agency shall take action to end discrimination in all programs or activities receiving federal financial assistance in any form. This action shall include termination of financial assistance." More to the point, Article VII of the same Act states "that it shall be unlawful for any employer or labor union with twenty-five or more persons after 1965 to discriminate against any individual in any fashion in employment because of his race, color, religion, sex, or national origin and that an Equal Employment Opportunity Commission shall be established to enforce this provision by investigation, conference, conciliations, perfusion, and if need be, civil action in federal courts." So, economic equally is already written on the federal statue books. We do not need more legislation; if a law were the only thing needed to grant women the equality you claim they lack, there is already one. What will ERA accomplish that the 1965 Civil Rights Act did not accomplish? Further, you write "(…many married women are extremely successful career-wise). Yes, we need the freedom of choice!!" I see here a contradiction, because if many "women are successful career-wise," then the avenues to that success must already be open to them. If this is true, there already is the freedom of choice of which you speak, and we do not need ERA. I think it is most inappropriate for you to bring up the issue of women priests in an article entitled "ERA." Even if ERA were to pass, I fail to see how it would affect a church policy that was initiated in Rome. Have the pro-abortion laws in America in any way modified the Pope's stand on abortion. Also, although I am indeed sorry that you consider yourself cheated out of a Parrish Scholarship by your church, the U.S. Congress is not the proper body to petition with your grievance. It is purely a matter that must be settled within your church. One last observation: I find your statement "Perhaps the anti-ERA measures pushed by some women (?) are the result of male chauvinist pressures to keep women in the household" a childish slur at those women, some who may even be as excessively intelligent as yourself , who disagree with you on the ERA issue. To lump your opposition into the general rubric of "Slave" is as asinine as their labeling the fine ladies of NOW "a bunch of lesbians who are trying to destroy the family." I would suggest that you follow your own advice and not inflict your "viewpoints on the lifestyles of others." They are as entitled to their opinions of ERA as you are to yours. I am in favor of complete economic equality for women in the job market. I am not at all positive that ERA would bring us any close to that goal. We already have the necessary legislation: it is time we enforce the equality laws already in existence, rather than merely pass another one that will also go ignored. You ask "Why not ERA?" I ask "Why ERA?" Mike Mello Celeste Calude Original Format The type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data Newspaper Contributor of the Digital Item Person submitting the digital item to the collection. Ball, Shannon Student Editor of the Digital Item Williams, Megan Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Backfire - ERA Subject The topic of the resource Equal Rights Amendment - Women's rights Description An account of the resource Editorial answering a letter written to The Bullet at Mary Washington college about women's rights needing more attention. The writer of the letter believing the Equal Rights Amendment would do that. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Mello, Michael A. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Mello, Michael A. "Backfire ERA." The Bullet (VA), April 12, 1976 Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available HIST 298, University of Mary Washington Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1976-4-12 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource The materials in this online collection are held by Special Collections, Simpson Library, University of Mary Washington and are available for educational use. For this purpose only, you may reproduce materials without prior permission on the condition that you provide attribution of the source. Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource 1 JPG 300 dpi Language A language of the resource English Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant Fredericksburg, VA editorial Equal Rights Amendment ERA https://hist299.umwhistory.org/files/original/51a76f188e66e4b223bf6c5b0b0cd9a7.jpg 8f9188682598038a6db6c41df8413411 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Michael A. Mello Papers, Series 1 News Clippings, Binder 1, 1976-1979 Still Image A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Student Demonstration Subject The topic of the resource Student Protest Description An account of the resource Mike Mello, former president of the MWC Chapter of NORML, speaks at Friday's demonstration held on Westmoreland Green to protest the suspension of four of the five students arrested in Madison last week. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Kempton, Houston Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available HIST 298, University of Mary Washington Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource The materials in this online collection are held by Special Collections, Simpson Library, University of Mary Washington and are available for educational use. For this purpose only, you may reproduce materials without prior permission on the condition that you provide attribution of the source. Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource 1 JPG 300 dpi Language A language of the resource English Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context Mello_1 Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant Fredericksburg, VA https://hist299.umwhistory.org/files/original/f6fca6e40a636d77df1880b47fce6371.jpg 5acb29d8b7602f5b6a3d95af987f7434 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Michael A. Mello Papers, Series 1 News Clippings, Binder 1, 1976-1979 Text Text Any textual data included in the document Criticism Should Lead to Action It is at time asserted that the Bullet does not meet the needs and wishes of the MWC student. Because of this latent dissastification with our school paper, I find it necessary to investigate the basis of criticism from which these complaints arise and attempt to alleviate as many conflicts as possible. The main problem the BULLET faces in correcting mistakes and misunderstandings is in isolating specific areas of incompetence. Granted, spelling mistakes and grammatical errors occur, and will continue to occur. Similarly, the type of inaccuracy can also e observed in the WASHINGTON POST and THE FREE LANCE STAR. Please keep in mind that the reporters for these national papers devote 24 hours a day to the maintenance and perfection of their work, while the BULLET must place classes and a variety of other matters before the upkeep of the newspaper. Secondly, it must be noted tat the quality of the paper is contingent upon the excellence of the staff and Editorial Board. The criticism towards the BULLET must stem from certain MWC student's ideas of perfection. We would certainly find it encouraging to have more staff members, especially those of you who not only strive for perfection, but believe it can be attained. While I initially felt uneasiness concerning the new pamphlet PROMETHEUS, I have concluded that criticism and discontent channeled into another form of media is healthy and effective. It is easy to appreciate those who lend constructive criticism, as well as take action to eliminate their cause for discontent. When asked specifically what could be done to improve the BULLET, our critics shrug and reply something obtuse such as : "oh, just general stuff." We seek concrete criticism. We enjoy receiving letters to the editor. What we dislike is confusing displays of inept reasoning regarding the future of this year's BULLET. Complaints that have no basis or apathetic suggestions which would be impossible to implement are quite frustrating. As a freshman, I frequently criticized the BULLET, but it was not until I began participating in the decision making that I realized how genuinely unjustified I was in complaining of matters which I knew nothing about and did nothing about. If you desire change, it is necessary to do something more than merely expect it to occur. It is only after you offer precise suggestion and more importantly, action that you will experience the benefits of knowing that you have contributed to improvement; public reaction will be your gratification. P.A.R. Original Format The type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data Newspaper Student Editor of the Digital Item Williams, Megan Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Criticism Should Lead to Action Subject The topic of the resource College Student Newspapers and Periodicals Description An account of the resource This is a newspaper article written in response to criticisms of the MWC Newspaper "The Bullet". Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Peter, Susan Kay Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Newspaper Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1977-10-18 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource The materials in this online collection are held by Special Collections, Simpson Library, University of Mary Washington and are available for educational use. For this purpose only, you may reproduce materials without prior permission on the condition that you provide attribution of the source. Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource 1 JPG 300 dpi Language A language of the resource English Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available HIST 298, University of Mary Washington Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant Fredericksburg, VA https://hist299.umwhistory.org/files/original/593a4c4bc779215f5f1aca2884c1cab6.jpg 0dc0012c2da665c3705ebc1e99e8c850 https://hist299.umwhistory.org/files/original/1fa7b10ab4ce972066150f7907be417d.jpg 1737e28adb9ee9519e893d4738358f8d Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Michael A. Mello Papers, Series 1 News Clippings, Binder 1, 1976-1979 Text Text Any textual data included in the document Gay Student Union at MWC For some obscure reason, a sizable number of MWC students cannot believe that a Gay Student Union exists on campus, (perhaps it would be more appropriate to say, rather that they don’t want to believe it). It is surprising that so many can expect the absolutely ridiculous—that Mary Washington, the world, would be relatively void of people with varying mindsets. It seems they seclude themselves voluntarily. It’s a weakness…a laziness, actually, to believe that everyone should be and is (unless obviously otherwise) absolutely the same. This sameness is referred to by many as “normality.” It strikes me as sad that so many invest so much of their faith in normality when so few of us fit exactly into that confining category. So, Mary Washington, the Gay Student Union does exist. We must come to grips with that fact that diversity lives (thank God) and is flourishing. The union sponsors parties, holds discussions, performs information services for the college population and the townspeople and offers support for the Mary Washington Gay Community. Happily, we have experienced little interference with our purpose or activities. We have, however, (not unlike the other organizations of diversity) been the victim of a major problem group on campus. If any of us are “trouble-makers,” these villains certainly are. The Hillel Club, the Afro-American Club, NORML, and we have all undergone suppression at the hands of the sign-ripper-downers. The Gay Student Union has recently been considering applying for Inter-Club Association approval. As the GSU has been in existence for 2 years, this possibility was seriously discussed with Debbie Love, Former ICA president, prior to the constitution controversy. Ironically, the first problem confronted in this process was with the required list of ten members by name. It has basically been decided to solicit names of uninvolved supporters rather than actual members, as few members can afford to bear the consequences of disclosure. The next GSU Party will be held on Saturday, February 11 at 8 pm. The address is 1104 William Street (Apt 812). Mandatory attendance for gays. Hall offenses will be given! Original Format The type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data Newspaper Contributor of the Digital Item Person submitting the digital item to the collection. Humphries, Kim Student Editor of the Digital Item Williams, Megan Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Gay Student Union at MWC Subject The topic of the resource Gay rights Description An account of the resource An editorial about the Gay Student Union at Mary Washington College and the student body's reaction to it, arguing in support of the club. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Mello, Michael A. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Mello, Michael A. "Gay Student Union at MWC." Prometheus (VA), 1977. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available HIST 298, University of Mary Washington Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1977 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource The materials in this online collection are held by Special Collections, Simpson Library, University of Mary Washington and are available for educational use. For this purpose only, you may reproduce materials without prior permission on the condition that you provide attribution of the source. Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource 2 JPG 400 dpi Language A language of the resource English Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant Fredericksburg, VA gay rights LGBT support for gays https://hist299.umwhistory.org/files/original/40550272d501b926e39272bde3889d48.jpg 198e8f5cbb8edd843ea08938b081bca2 https://hist299.umwhistory.org/files/original/749a513b135faf87a50ca769ebddf9b0.jpg f541ba69bb04744a6f6df873e93f876c Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Michael A. Mello Papers, Series 1 News Clippings, Binder 1, 1976-1979 Text Text Any textual data included in the document Eyewitness Account of Rally On Sunday, January 22, there was a rally and march in Washington DC to protest the arrival of Ms. Anita Bryant, and to show to her and the community, the gay solidarity and support for 34, the Human Rights Law currently in effected in DC. I was in attendance. When my friend and I arrived at 5:45 pm there were already quite a number of people milling around DuPont Circle, listening to Lyn Frizzell perform his music. One of his songs, entitled “Hurricane Anita” was written in protest of Ms. Bryant’s recent attack on the gay rights ordinance in Dade County, Florida. The song unified the audience and bought a roaring applause from the gloved hands of a crowd now nearing 1000. Casse Culver, another singer and songwriter, performed several of her songs and urged us all to sing along. Afterward, she gave a short speech. Next, on the rally program was Leonard Matlovich. Once an airforce sergeant with many decorations, he was handed a less-than-honorable discharge when he disclosed his homosexuality. His was a stirring speech, advocating equality of rights for all. After Matlovich’s speech, a nun representing Catholic support for gay rights spoke. Following her were several others including Frank Kamony, and David Kopay, ex-pro-football player. Both gave rousing speeches. At seven o’clock it was time to move our nearly frozen bodies toward the Washington Hilton where Ms. Bryant was staying. As the crowd moved down Connecticut Avenue with candles in hand, I could see the immensity of the procession. We were near the rear of the line which was three abrest from DuPont Circle all the way to the Hilton, three and half blocks away. When we neared the Hilton, we could see that the entire hotel block was encircled about 25 people deep, all with candles held high. The crowd sang “We Shall Overcome” and “America the Beautiful” during the walk to the Hilton, groups of marchers also began chanting “Gay and Proud” and “2, 4, 6, 8, Gay is just as good as Straight!” It was my first march, and it was quite an experience. The DC police were there to make sure that no one tried to infringe upon our rights to peacefully assemble. All went smoothly, and in my opinion, quite successfully. Official sources estimate the crowd at over 2000 people. Seeing such support for gay rights in our nation’s capital makes me honestly believe that we shall overcome someday! Original Format The type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data Newspaper Contributor of the Digital Item Person submitting the digital item to the collection. Humphries, Kim Student Editor of the Digital Item Williams, Megan Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Eyewitness Account of Rally Subject The topic of the resource Gay rights Description An account of the resource A student's account of a Washington DC gay rights rally, in protest of Ms. Anita Bryant's attack on gay rights ordinance in Dade County, FL. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource A Mary Washington Student Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Prometheus Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available HIST 298, University of Mary Washington Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1977 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource The materials in this online collection are held by Special Collections, Simpson Library, University of Mary Washington and are available for educational use. For this purpose only, you may reproduce materials without prior permission on the condition that you provide attribution of the source. Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource 2 JPG 400 dpi Language A language of the resource English Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant Fredericksburg, VA gay rights LGBT support for gays https://hist299.umwhistory.org/files/original/7188467f0498143f4b8aa886cd5afd13.jpg d49ab8188737eed569645294b15cd1e7 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Michael A. Mello Papers, Series 1 News Clippings, Binder 1, 1976-1979 Text Text Any textual data included in the document Blame Enough for All In the article that appears on page one of this issue and the latest issue of PROMETHEUS, Jim Boyd make some interesting observations. However, I think his placement of responsibility is somewhat misdirected. I say somewhat because it is true that the administration apparently blithely superseded the handbook. But, while the administration committed the act, the Senate tolerated it. For if the student body, through their elected representatives in the Senate, felt strongly enough about this Kathy Mater matter they could recall her: Amendment I. Recall-"Any student official may be recalled if he has failed to... uphold the standards of the office." Therefore it is incorrect for Boyd to give the administration all the blame. Whether or not the removal of the S.A. President is an advisable policy is a question which must ultimately be answered by the student body of MWC. All side must be given a fair hearing and an equal opportunity to state their side o the issue. As students concerned with the maintenance of an effective student association, we must deal directly with the issue at hand. However, the issue here is much larger than Kathy Mayer; this is why Jim Boyd did not remain in office or attempt to impeach Mayer. The basic issue presented here is constitutional. During a meeting with President Woodard, Boyd was informed that Woodard possesses absolute veto power over the S.A. Constitution: Article IV: Authority-"The authority of the Student Association is derived from delegation by the President of the College and from the student body of the College." Why then, Boyd asks(in light of the provision in the constitution), have a constitution at all when only one signatory of the agreement is bound by its precepts. The example which Boyd has disclosed is symptamatic of the phenomenon that Michael Mello discussed in the first issue of the PROMETHEUS: the students have no power! In this particular instance the student body may, if it chooses, suspend the administration's suspension of the constitution by removing Kathy Mayer from office. AS stated previously in this editorial, the students may just as easily and in my opinion with a great deal more justification) dismiss the question of Mayer's eligibility for office as a technicality. But what about the crucial times that we are impotent in the face of similar administrative vetoes of our constitution? It appears that we will just have to watch on in frustration. H.M.M. Original Format The type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data Newspaper Student Editor of the Digital Item Williams, Megan Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Blame Enough for All Subject The topic of the resource College student newspapers and periodicals Description An account of the resource This MWC Newspaper article is responding to the pamphlet PROMETHEUS's criticism of the administration and its use of power. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource McFalls, Helen Marie Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Newspaper Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available HIST 298, University of Mary Washington Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1977-11-15 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource The materials in this online collection are held by Special Collections, Simpson Library, University of Mary Washington and are available for educational use. For this purpose only, you may reproduce materials without prior permission on the condition that you provide attribution of the source. Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource 1 JPG 300 dpi Language A language of the resource English Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant Fredericksburg, VA https://hist299.umwhistory.org/files/original/5ba1ce4a82f75e509f9f6be4acf76068.jpg da1c6143aed1d07b80040389ed702e74 https://hist299.umwhistory.org/files/original/1cd6a83cccc8c838cb26dfa9e8ff88df.jpg 250b1c1baa100900e1a2bf6af5ec6909 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Michael A. Mello Papers, Series 1 News Clippings, Binder 1, 1976-1979 Text Text Any textual data included in the document On November 29, four Westmoreland male residents Mitch Sproul, John Bartenstein, Peter Back, and Steve Calhoun appeared before an Administrative Hearing charged with "(1) conduct in Westmoreland Hall which is detrimental to the environment of the College and contrary to College rules and regulations and (2) vandalism to College property in Westmoreland Hall." President Prince B. Woodard, who is invested with the sole authority for making the decision, apparently found the students guilty of both counts and notified them verbally and by letter of their punishments. His decision entailed three students being rejected from Westmoreland Dormitory. The fourth man, Mitch Sproul, was permitted to "continue to reside in Westmoreland Hall for the remainder of the semester without the privilege of having any visitors in your room or your visiting or entering any other student room in that Hall or visiting or entering any other residence hall on campus. "Further, his "continuing in Westmoreland Hall is conditional to your not being involved in any way with a violation of rules or regulations of the Hall or of the College. Should you violate any such rule or regulation or create in any way a disturbance including excessive noise, to the detriment of other students, your right to remain in the residence hall will be terminated." The main impetus behind this case was Scott Sharer, Judicial Representative of Westmoreland Hall. Sharer reported that he had received numerous complaints from residents of the dorm regarding noise caused by the four individuals. Some of these noise complaints dated back to the third week of the semester. The noise complaints continued intermittently until the Administrative Hearing. Around September 25th Sharer was approached at 2:30 a.m. by resident Laura Bannister who reported she had been awakened by "loud male voices" in room 303 next door and that she then heard some objects fall from the window of room 303 to the ground outside the dorm.. This was followed by loud, long screams, obviously male screams." Sharer, upon investigation, learned that Bartenstein, Back, and another individual had entered the room uninvited and obviously under the influence of alcohol." During an apparent pillow fight two stereo speakers and a fan were knocked from the open window to the ground. Sharer, in consultation with Dorm President Mayo Carter and Judicial Chairman Cindy Reeves, decided to "work out a punishment fitting to the crime yet positive toward the spirit of greater cooperation within the dorm." Sharer served the three men with a document that they "readily signed." The notice read: "We the undersigned do so accept the punishment of locking Westmoreland Dormitory for the period of one week for visitation and noise violations ..." We also understand that any further infractions will be dealt with to the fullest extent of the legal guidelines set by the College." Sharer then went on to say that frequent noise violations occurred throughout the semester and the four men were repeatedly warned that this behavior was unacceptable. On November 20th Sharer reported that he found damage in the hall "in the form of garbage, a water fountain off the wall, and a window broken." Earlier a telephone stand had been destroyed. On November 21st Sharer "observed a broken water fountain, a broken door, a broken telephone table... a broken fire extinguisher, shaving cream on the walls and doors, oranges smashed on the floor, and a broken window." Sharer issued a final warning to the entire hall that stated "there would be no more trouble in first north Westmoreland hallway. Sharer claimed that it was all but impossible to determine who had caused this damage because several dormitory residents "lived in fear" of these four men. Despite Sharer's final warning, noise violations continued. Later that morning Bartenstein was issued two hall offenses for leaving the door unlocked. On Tuesday morning an event involving vomiting, which Mitch Sproul termed a "group retch" occurred. It had not been determined whether this occurred in a private room or in the hall. The events of these two days precipitated action which led to the Administrative Hearing. The next night more noise ensued, and hall offenses were issued to Steve Calhoun and another resident: an altercation between Calhoun and Sharer was narrowly avoided. Interviews with both the four accused and witnesses at the hearing (Cindy Reeves, S.A. Judicial Chairman, and Scott Sharer, Westmoreland Judicial Representative) reveal that there was no clear evidence presented and no proof brought forth to establish a guilty verdict on the vandalism charges. Yet the letters, informing the four students of Woodard's decision, did not specifically state the charges on which they were convicted. President Woodard, whose sole responsibility this decision was, declined to comment. Dean Juanita Clement and Cindy Reeves, witnesses at the hearing, also declined to comment on the nature of the penalty. However, Scott Sharer as well as the four accused felt that the decision was based essentially on noise. Sharer pointed out that another residential student was responsible for some of the vandalism charges. Sharer believes that this may have entered into Woodard's decision since the handbook provides (pp.56-57) "Anyone in a residence hall to which he or she is not assigned a room by the college is considered a guest ... All guests must abide by the rules and regulations of the college and the student is responsible for the conduct of his guest at all times. Any damages to property will be paid by the students and/or guests." The decision to convene an Administrative Hearing rather than Joint Council or Judicial Court was made by Barbara Stammerjohn, Cindy Reeves, and Scott Sharer, in conference with President Woodard. Ms. Reeves stated that she felt the matter could be better handled by the administration for essentially five reasons. Firstly, college employees were involved (dorm mother Mrs. Janet Barnes, Dean Juanita Clement, and Campus Police officers) in the disposition of the case. Secondly, Reeves felt that the problem of noise and vandalism in Westmoreland required an immediate solution and concluded that the Administrative hearing could sooner dispose of the problem than could the Joint of Judicial Court. Thirdly, Ms. Reeves said that it was too much trouble for Judicial to handle. Fourthly, because no hall offenses had been issued for the specific charges of noise, it did not constitute a judicial complaint. Fifthly, vandalism offenses are not specifically mentioned in the provisions stating judicial territory. Thus, Ms. Reeves feels that the charges cannot be handled by Judicial Court , although vandalism charges were handled by Judicial last year. The accused are uncertain (though they asked President Woodard) exactly what charges they are convicted of. They also feel that they were denied due process of law and trial by their peers. Their complaints are essentially three. Firstly, they are frustrated by the fact that there was no appeal. Secondly, they are bothered because no transcript of the hearing was made. Thirdly, their letters of accusation were, in their opinion, vague and failed to enumerate precisely what charges of vandalism they were to face. They felt that this made the preparation of a proper defense difficult if not impossible. Finally, they believe that their case should have been heard by the student Judicial body rather than by Woodard. Original Format The type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data Newspaper Contributor of the Digital Item Person submitting the digital item to the collection. Brown, Peyton Student Editor of the Digital Item Williams, Megan Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Westmoreland '4' Accuse Administration of Injustice Subject The topic of the resource School discipline Description An account of the resource Four residents of Westmoreland Hall at Mary Washington College believe the College administration's handling of their discipline did not follow normal judicial procedures and is unfair. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Mello, Michael A. McFalls, Helen Marie Webb, Gary Ringle, Patricia A. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Newspaper Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available HIST 298, University of Mary Washington Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1977-12-08 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource The materials in this online collection are held by Special Collections, Simpson Library, University of Mary Washington and are available for educational use. For this purpose only, you may reproduce materials without prior permission on the condition that you provide attribution of the source. Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource 2 JPG 400 dpi Language A language of the resource English Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant Fredericksburg, VA injustice Judicial proceedings noise violation student discipline vandalism Westmoreland Hall Woodard https://hist299.umwhistory.org/files/original/0fc26f94e78c17e402844b013db2df70.jpg c785ef7ade7fca00aaeda0eb54e353f9 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Michael A. Mello Papers, Series 1 News Clippings, Binder 1, 1976-1979 Text Text Any textual data included in the document Four male inhabitants of Westmoreland dorm were brought before an Administrative Hearing last week, which resulted in the expulsion of three of them from the residence hall.There is some question over the proceeding. Pictured are Mitch Sproul, Peter Back, and John Bertenstein. Not pictured is Steve Calhoun. Original Format The type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data Newspaper Contributor of the Digital Item Person submitting the digital item to the collection. Brown, Peyton Student Editor of the Digital Item Williams, Megan Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Westmoreland Controversy Subject The topic of the resource school discipline Description An account of the resource A photograph of three of the four students involved in vandalism in Westmoreland Hall; Mitch Sproul, Peter Back, and John Bartenstein. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Vandever, Thomas Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Newspaper Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available HIST 298, University of Mary Washington Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1977-12-08 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource The materials in this online collection are held by Special Collections, Simpson Library, University of Mary Washington and are available for educational use. For this purpose only, you may reproduce materials without prior permission on the condition that you provide attribution of the source. Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource 1 JPG 400 dpi Language A language of the resource English Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant Fredericksburg, VA injustice Judicial proceedings noise violation student discipline vandalism Westmoreland Hall Woodard https://hist299.umwhistory.org/files/original/25139df2f8fed8a58724324908ff61b8.jpg d1dffd902d846d3aa062a6bdcd7f9c19 https://hist299.umwhistory.org/files/original/ca13d95a9e9b2939b4db09c703a386f4.jpg 6b14419bcb72f91e543002f0e0e0b36c Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Michael A. Mello Papers, Series 1 News Clippings, Binder 1, 1976-1979 Text Text Any textual data included in the document Are students entitled to due process of law? The Handbook provides that “all members of the College community have the right to due process in matters concerning discipline or status as members of the College community.” But Kathy Mayer has proven that the Handbook and the S.A. Constitution are essentially worthless; she has shown that even the sections of those documents which are clear and straightforward may be perverted by bizarre feats of semantic acrobatics. Joint Council last year (in the Madison case) and President Woodard this year (in the Westmoreland Four case) have indicated that the Handbook guarantee of due process is equally empty. Yet there is a somewhat more authoritative document guaranteeing us due process of law. Section One of the Fourteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution reads “No state shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States; nor shall any state deprive any person of life, liberty or property, without due process of law; nor to deny any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws.” The question is whether Mary Washington College is bound by law to conform to these strictures. I believe that it is. Justice Bradley wrote in the Civil Rights Cases that “it is State action of a particular character that is prohibited. Individual invasion of individual rights is not the subject of the Amendment.” For example, the right to life is protected by the Amendment, but only against improper deprivation by the state. A private murder would not fit the requirements, but a lynching done under the auspices of police officers would. Thus, the emphasis here will be on an elaboration of the concept of “state action.” The Court early began the extension of the idea of state action to cover not only legislative action, but also action of the judicial and executive branches as well. And there was a vertical extension to include all of the governmental units subordinate to the State. The Court has found violators of the Amendment by the state courts (in Ex parte Virginia), legislatures (in Strouder v. West Virginia), executives (in Sterling v. Constantin), tax boards (in Raymond v. Chicago Union Traction Co.), boards of education (in West Virginia Board of Education v. Barnette), and even private enterprises that receive state aid (in Burton v. Wilmington Parking Authority). When any officer or employee of the state or any of its subordinate governmental units acts in pursuance of his official function, then there is state action within the meaning of the Fourteenth Amendment. One facet of the problem of delineating state action appears in the classification of the private owned and managed operation which receives financial aid from the state. Is the act of such a body an act of the state or is it a private act for the purposes of the Fourteenth Amendment? Obviously, a categorical answer is impossible; it would be a rather absord doctrine which would consider as state agents all people on relief, unemployed persons benefitting from state compensation plans, etc. But what of enterprises that began as purely private, but which have become so enmeshed with the agencies of state government through grants or other special governmental treatment that they take on the character of state institutions? The Supreme Court established 30 years ago that these agencies are to be considered state agencies for the purposes of the Fourteenth Amendment. The case involved the status of Enoch Pratt Free Library, in Baltimore, Maryland. Louisa Kerr, a Negro, sued for damages and injunctive relief, asserting that she was refused admission to a training course conducted by the library. She charged that the library was performing a governmental function, that she was rejected solely because of her race, and that such rejection constituted state action prohibited by the Fourteenth Amendment. The library defended on the ground that it was a private corporation. In deciding Kerr v. Enoch Pratt Free Library, the Supreme Court held that the library’s action was in fact state action within the meaning of the Fourteenth Amendment. The parallels between Enoch Pratt Free Library and Mary Washington College are obvious; for the purposes of the Fourteenth Amendment, both institutions are identical. This being the case, the actions of the Administration and other campus agencies in matters of discipline must conform to the Fourteenth Amendment’s “due process” clause and all that it implies. M.A.M. Original Format The type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data Newspaper Contributor of the Digital Item Person submitting the digital item to the collection. MacIndoe, Kathleen Student Editor of the Digital Item Williams, Megan Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Due Process Of Law? Subject The topic of the resource Due process of law Due process of law-United States Description An account of the resource Newspaper article about the Fourteenth Amendment’s due process clause and its applicability to actions taken by state agencies. Colleges, categorized as state agencies, should conform to the Fourteenth Amendment’s due process clause regarding student discipline. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Mello, Michael A. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The Bullet Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available HIST 298, University of Mary Washington Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1978-02-14 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource The materials in this online collection are held by Special Collections, Simpson Library, University of Mary Washington and are available for educational use. For this purpose only, you may reproduce materials without prior permission on the condition that you provide attribution of the source. Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource 2 JPG 300 dpi Language A language of the resource English Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant Fredericksburg, VA due process Enoch Pratt Free Library equal protection of the laws Fourteenth Amendment Mary Washington College https://hist299.umwhistory.org/files/original/7e20312c7f7a22de95500ff0a5548953.jpg 51cec1395d5c18674f087da6064aeca9 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Michael A. Mello Papers, Series 1 News Clippings, Binder 1, 1976-1979 Text Text Any textual data included in the document Time for a Bill of Rights The SA Constitution, which is presently under revision, should contain a clear definition of the rights and privileges guaranteed to MWC students. The inclusion of a Student Bill of Rights within the Constitution would have one overwhelming advantage over the present situation by making explicit the rights which we already have. Present ambiguities in crucial aspects of MWC life would be clarified. This Bill of Rights should include the following provision: A. Free inquiry, expression and assembly are guaranteed to all students and shall not be abridged. Discussion and expression of all views is permitted within the institution subject only to requirements for maintenance of order. B. The right of students, living in residence halls, to be secure in their persons, living quarters, papers and effects against unreasonable searches and seizures shall not be abridged. C. Students have the right to due process of law in all matters concerning discipline or status as members of the College community. No disciplinary sanctions may be imposed on any student without notice to the accused of the nature and cause of the charges, and a fair hearing which shall include confrontation of witnesses against him. D. Organizations may be established within the institution for any legal purpose. Affiliation with an extramural organization shall not, in itself, disqualify the institution branch or chapter from institution privileges. Membership lists shall be confidential and solely for the use of the organization except that names and addresses may be required as a condition of access to College funds. E. The student media is to be free of censorship. The editors and managers shall not be arbitrarily suspended because of student, faculty, administration, alumni, or community disapproval of editorial policy or content. This freedom entails a corollary obligation under the cannons of responsible journalism and applicable regulations of the FCC. F. Students have the same rights of privacy as any other citizens and surrender none of these rights by becoming members of the academic community. These rights of privacy extend to residence hall living. The institution is neither arbiter nor enforcer of student morals. Social morality, not in violation of a public law, is of no disciplinary concern to the institution. These provisions were presented to the MWC student body in November, 1970. The Bill of Rights was based on an American Bar Association/Law Student Division report. It was ratified by the students by a vote of 1,447 to 43, only to be shelved by Chancellor Grellet Simpson. The time has come for a re-introduction of a Student Bill of Rights. M.A.M. H.M.M Original Format The type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data Newspaper Contributor of the Digital Item Person submitting the digital item to the collection. Kowalewski, Carolyn Student Editor of the Digital Item Williams, Megan Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource "Time for a Bill of Rights" Subject The topic of the resource Student activities College student newspapers and periodicals--Law and legislation Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Mello, Michael A. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available HIST 298, University of Mary Washington Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource The materials in this online collection are held by Special Collections, Simpson Library, University of Mary Washington and are available for educational use. For this purpose only, you may reproduce materials without prior permission on the condition that you provide attribution of the source. Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource 1 JPG 300 dpi Language A language of the resource English Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context mello:39 Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant Fredericksburg, VA Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1978-02-21 Description An account of the resource Letter to the editor advocating for a Student Bill of Rights at MWC. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The Bullet https://hist299.umwhistory.org/files/original/8c776b372f7152ddc50d827b8442c9ba.jpg 328a8a0152cfe30c341eb5e10f33bbf5 https://hist299.umwhistory.org/files/original/7f17b03f2b47fd5038e10c77e661c6a5.jpg 8b57de46a173e0e76f4955ff15d71332 https://hist299.umwhistory.org/files/original/cd1692ccabebac207b733b666e5414e6.jpg dc4ca7cd2f4318eee35eb24d7a57daa1 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Michael A. Mello Papers, Series 1 News Clippings, Binder 1, 1976-1979 Text Original Format The type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data Newspaper Contributor of the Digital Item Person submitting the digital item to the collection. Bostaph, Emily Text Any textual data included in the document President Woodard was correct when, last Sunday at the DVIR address, he said that “Secretary of State Rusk guided and administered the foreign policy of our nation,” between 1961-1969. No matter what direction that foreign policy took and no matter what one’s assessment of it, Rusk bears a large measure of responsibility for it. The major focus of American foreign policy effort, attention, and resources for the last four years of Rusk’s term was concentrated upon war in Southeast Asia: if certain of the policies were “criminal,” as defined by universal morality as embodied in international law, then the Secretary of State must surely bear a measure of liability. I believe that at least five policies embodied by the U.S. in Vietnam were criminal by these two standards. 1) The massive destruction of crops by the use of chemicals. Rusk claimed time and again that only military targets had been targeted for destruction in Vietnam, yet the Defense Department reported that 505,000 acres of crops and 4,560,000 acres of forest were defoliated between 1962-1968. Studies concluded that these chemicals caused birth defects; further, the destruction of families’ livelihood often drove them into wretched refugee centers. 2) The use of “search and destroy” missions that entailed, in effect, the total destruction of entire villages. 3)”Free fire zones.” 4) The almost universal use of torture on prisoners of war, suspected enemy sympathizers and dissidents in general. 5) The aerial bombing of civilians. Rusk stated (in Prof. Fickett’s class), he had always been skeptical about the bombing; Rusk further said that it was his responsibility as Secretary of State to carry out the decisions of the president, even if he personally disagreed with those decisions. He claimed, in effect, that he was “just following orders”: a concept which was specifically denied by the Nuremburg Tribunal. Rusk said that he had always been skeptical about the bombing. But he was never “skeptical” enough to write any memorandums or to initiate any correspondence to that effect—as his colleague George Ball continually did. His “skepticism” did not prevent him from defending the B-52 raids before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee in 1966. And he was never so “skeptical” about the bombing that he resigned his post in protest—as his colleague Eric Goldman did. It is perhaps true that Rusk never signed any orders calling for the bombing of civilians; he never formally ordered the torture of prisoners. But he also never protested the systematic and widespread use of war crimes, although his position as Secretary of State would have given his dissent a particular power. It is absurd to suggest that he was unaware of them, for they were regularly reported by firsthand observers in such publications as the NEW YORK TIMES, the LONDON TIMES and the WASHINGTON POST. It is difficult to visualize a Secretary of State failing to read these publications. Perhaps Rusk doubted the accuracy of the reports. But why did he not then initiate his own investigation as his subordinates had urged? Certainly he was aware of the bombing and defoliation, and it is difficult to believe that he is unaware of the rest. The conclusion is inescapable: although he was aware (at the very least) of the systematic policies of war crimes being practiced in Vietnam, he chose to ignore them. Rusk said in March that, “It isn’t a comfortable easy war. It is a dirty, mean struggle carried out without regard for ordinary norms of conduct by the Vietcong.” Rusk used this logic to justify search and destroy missions, free fire zones, and defoliation; he completely evaded inquires on the use of torture. Because the VC did it, we could do it. But if we use the same tactics as the enemy, are we not then as bad as the enemy? Rusk himself called the tactics of Vietnam “brutal,” “inhumane,” “criminal.” If we emulate those tactics, what does that make us? If Dean Rusk and his fellows in the highest councils of government are not the ones liable for this policy of war crimes, then who is? Is the infantryman who was drafted against his will, given 90 days of training and airlifted into a terrifying environment in which everyone but his buddies were considered the enemy? Vietnam was a war with no front lines, no demilitarized zones; it was an atmosphere that made such occurrences as My Lai all but inevitable. Are we to blame the pilots and the artillery officers, who would have been court marshaled had they refused orders under combat conditions? Are we to blame the generals and admirals who gave the pilots and artillery forces their orders? Or does the real blame for U.S. war crimes rest on the men in Washington who gave the generals their orders? They committed the greatest atrocity of all—those Lyndon Johnson, Dean Rusks, Robert McNamaras, McGeorge Bundys, who brought this country into the obscenity of Vietnam, who developed the policies and the use of the weapons that have destroyed Vietnam, that led inevitably to My Lai, that gave Cally and the other Callys the weapons and the opportunity to vent what was in them on the innocent, and who then sanctimoniously proclaimed their devotion to peace and liberty and freedom. This was the doctrine that America ratified in Europe in 1945: that when a national at war engages in a systematic program of war crimes, it is not the technicians who actually pushed the buttons in Dochau and Auschwitz that hang, rather it is the major governmental officials who initiated the policy who are liable. This was the principle adopted by the allies when they sent the major Nazi governmental officials to the scaffold. It is interesting to note that one such official was Joachim Ribbentrop, Reich Minister for foreign affairs; his job description was remarkably similar to Rusk’s. Nowhere in the volumes of evidence presented against him (which may be found in the MWC Library) was it suggested that Ribbentrop himself ever physically killed another human being. Yet he was indicted, tried, convicted and executed for, among other things, conspiring in the planning of aerial bombing of England, complicity in the systematic mistreatment of American prisoners in the Battle of the Bulge, and his complicity in turning the Warsaw Ghetto into a “free fire zone.” Ribbentrop was “skeptical” about these policies, but not skeptical enough to try to stop them. The Nuremburg Tribunal is instructive: “On 18th October, 1942, Hitler issued the Commando Order…ordering the evacuation of all persons in Northern Norway and the burning of their houses so that they could not help the Russians…Ribbentrop testifies that he was strongly opposed on moral and legal grounds, but could not refuse to pass it on…there is little evidence that Ribbentrop was actively connected with the program, and he must have concentrated on his task of strategic planning.” Exchange the word “Vietnam” for “Northern Norway,” and “Vietcong” for “Russians” and you have the strategic Hamlet Program and the search and destroy mission. Are we to apply a different standard upon ourselves than we did on Germany? Robert Jackson, the chief prosecutors at Nuremburg, agreed that this would be the epitome of hypocracy: “If certain acts in violation of treaties are crimes, they are crimes whether the U.S. does them or whether Germany does them, and we are not prepared to lay down a rule of criminal conduct against other which we would be unwilling to invoke against ourselves.” Of course, the implicit assumption here is that the Nuremburg concepts were valid, that “war crimes” do exist, that there exists at least a broad universal morality and code of conduct that transcends national boundaries. But a Machiavelian might argue that national self-interest is the only standard for judging foreign policy; such a person might argue that “was crimes” in Vietnam were justified because they were in the national interest. By this yardstick, rusk would not be guilty of war crimes and neither would Hitler, Himmler and Eichman. I would argue, however, that such crimes were not in America’s interest because they made it impossible for us to win the war. Vietnam was not so much a war of military objectives. It was essentially a struggle to win the “hearts and minds” of the Vietnamese people: an attempt to convince them to reject communism and embrace democracy. But one does not use napalm on villages and hamlets sheltering civilians caught between the government and the enemy if one is attempting to persuade those people of the rightness of one’s cause. One does not blast hamlets and their occupants with high explosives, defoliate a country and deform its people with chemicals if one is attempting to persuade them of the foe’s evil nature and one’s own morality. One does not declare where the people live (with nothing but a desire to be left alone) a “free fire zone” with anything and everything in it liable for destruction and death is one is attempting to persuade these people that one is fighting for their lives and liberties. If victory was defined as winning the “hearts and minds” of the people as Lyndon Johnson claimed, was this policy of atrocities the way to win? The only lasting peace we could have achieved in Vietnam was the peace of the graveyard. In the words of Tacitus in Life of Agricola, “they have made a desert, and have called it peace.” Was a desert worth 107,800,000,000 American taxpayer dollars, 303,475 Americans wounded and 55,000 Americans killed? Is this in our own “national interest?” Student Editor of the Digital Item Williams, Megan Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Legacy of Dean Rusk: Two Views Subject The topic of the resource Vietnam War, 1961-1975 War crimes investigation Cabinet officers Rusk, Dean, 1909-1994 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Mello, Michael A. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Mello, Michael, “Legacy of Dean Rusk: Two Views.” The Bullet, November 22, 1977. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available HIST 298, University of Mary Washington Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1977-11-22 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource The materials in this online collection are held by Special Collections, Simpson Library, University of Mary Washington and are available for educational use. For this purpose only, you may reproduce materials without prior permission on the condition that you provide attribution of the source. Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource 3 JPG 300 dpi Language A language of the resource English Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant Fredericksburg, VA Description An account of the resource This is an article was written by Michael A. Mello in 1977 for the College of Mary Washington's student run newspaper, called The Bullet. Mello is arguing that the United States did indeed commit war crimes during our time in SouthEast Asia, during the Vietnam war, and that Secretary of State Dean David Rusk is the one responsible for those crimes, therefor should be held accountable. Throughout this article he often compares the "war crimes" the U.S. committed to those committed by Germany during the Holocaust. Because no one took responsibility, or even admitted that the actions were comparable to war crimes, he believes all the blame lays on David Rusk for he was the Secretary of State at the time, and was the one responsible for giving the orders. bombing Dean Rusk foreign policy Rusk Secretary of State Secretary of State Rusk The Bullet Vietnam War war crimes https://hist299.umwhistory.org/files/original/4f18eb1686eab522c694121efc305140.jpg e9cd26b394544679e61b6adb1b249d17 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Michael A. Mello Papers, Series 1 News Clippings, Binder 1, 1976-1979 Text Text Any textual data included in the document Edwin Newman, in his book Strictly Speaking, wrote that there are certain words and phrases in the English language which have been so misused and debased that their meaning has blurred to the point of uncomprehension. One such word is "radical," a word bantered about this campus with increasing frequency since the advent of Prometheus. But how many could, if questioned, really define the word? I would like to suggest that when many people use the word "radical", they really mean to say "activist". This distinction is critical because one term denotes a particular political philosophy and one does not. A radical is one who is opposed to the present social system, believes that progressive change within that system is impossible, and that the present system must be torn down and replaced with another; or, as Webster puts it, "advocating extreme measures to retain or restore a political system." The key word here is "system", as opposed to particular policies advanced by components within that system. An "activist" on the other hand, is a person who believes in taking action against the things he opposes or in behalf of those he supports. He is different from the radical in that he supports the system and is willing to work within it to effect his changes. Also, the term is apolitical; and activist is not necessarily a leftist; he can be a good Republican or Democrat, he may be a member of Right-to-Life or NORML. Phyllis Schafley is as much an activist as Julian Bond, Ronald Reagan as much as Cesar Chavez. Thus, this is not a call to radicalism. It is a call to activism. Occasionally, student activism is reprehensible in its demands and objectives, such as the Filthy Speech Movement in Berkeley. But one idea is central to student activism: the belief that students have a right to participate in decisions which affect them. This concept is the core of the basic democratic ideal upon which our society is based: an active, informed citizenry is essential if democracy is to really work. When administrators tell students to shirk that responsibility and deny them a real voice in their destiny, or when students voluntarily forfeit it, this not only denies the democratic ideal, it undermines the idea of education itself. Many educators tend to feel that students should be studying rather than demanding a say in their educational treatment. But campus activism is in itself an education. I have learned more about politics through NORML and the Student Lobby than I learned in the 18 hours of Political Science I have taken here, and my dealings with Joint Council gave me an education in law and justice more valuable than an entire curriculum or pre-law courses. Studies are a student's primary responsibility, but philosophers from Socrates on have taught that the unexamined life is not worth living: that men have a moral right, an obligation to take part in the decisions that affect them. Original Format The type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data Newspaper Article Contributor of the Digital Item Person submitting the digital item to the collection. Ivancic, Bailey Student Editor of the Digital Item Williams, Megan Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource What is a Radical? Subject The topic of the resource Political activism Student activism Description An account of the resource An opinion piece in the Mary Washington College student newspaper about the misuse of the word "radical" when used to describe political activism. Argues that while student activism is often looked down upon, it is an important part of the educational experience. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Mello, Michael A. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The Bullet Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available HIST 298, University of Mary Washington Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1978-01-24 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource The materials in this online collection are held by Special Collections, Simpson Library, University of Mary Washington and are available for educational use. For this purpose only, you may reproduce materials without prior permission on the condition that you provide attribution of the source. Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource 1 JPG 300 dpi Language A language of the resource English Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant Fredericksburg, VA activism Mary Washington College radicalism student activism https://hist299.umwhistory.org/files/original/3a502b6a9582075c770e9693f7982e29.jpg 2b2e5f59e7e7a61b38ad4333fe927ae2 https://hist299.umwhistory.org/files/original/b07d07a32dd8661ca851a4f3382ee04f.jpg d1df6368e5ef05fa0bc2b81f7c56d592 https://hist299.umwhistory.org/files/original/f75698f9988b27c9f76fd5bc8b1ece4b.jpg 3881fc1ce1f73a49e34e2018957b3c6f https://hist299.umwhistory.org/files/original/e859c24de2d1d36b868601387eada714.jpg f7e3f9b9fd66915400e89790ba9ba663 https://hist299.umwhistory.org/files/original/9cd101d2e65558d11988ab6900bdec23.jpg 66edf801815c22203e81f6dfe8c5623c Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Michael A. Mello Papers, Series 1 News Clippings, Binder 1, 1976-1979 Text Text Any textual data included in the document Free Speech: Defense of an Enemy By: Michael Mello There is presently a case being litigated in Illinois that has raised one of the most basic issues in America: the right of an unpopular group to express its’ views openly. The American Nazi Party has been denied permission to stage a peaceful march in the Chicago suburb of Skokie; the case is all the more explosive because Skokie’s population is heavily Jewish and a significant number of residents are survivors of Hitler’s extermination camps. As a Jew who lost two aunts in the camps of Nazi Germany, I can understand and sympathize with the residents of Skokie; as a Jew I am shocked and revolted that there are still Nazis in 1977; as a Jew I might want to prevent Nazis from having their parade. But I am not only a Jew: I am also a citizen of the United States of America, a nation which exists by virtue of a constitution and a bill of rights. And as an American citizen, I must respect the fact that all of my fellow citizens share the same rights that I do; including freedom of speech, expression and peaceful assembly. When any group’s liberty is abridged, no one’s freedoms are safe; as Thomas Paine wrote 200 years ago, :he that would make his own liberty secure must guard even his enemy from oppression, for if he violates this duty, he establishes a precedent that will reach to himself.” As should already be clear, the purpose of this article is not to argue the validity of Nazism as a social or political philosophy. Rather, I wish to argue the right of every person — including Nazis — to be heard within the established framework of debate. Of course, the Constitution already provides for this in the First Amendment: “Congress shall make no law … abridging the freedom of speech, or the press; or the right of the people to peacefully assemble, and to petition the Government for a redress of grievances.” But this is an imperfect document (for example, it originally provided for slavery) and perhaps this concept of free expression is similarly invalid. So a defense of free speech is in order and in this defense I shall rely heavily on the philosophies of John Stuart Mill (as expressed in On Liberty) and Clarence Darrow (as expressed in his Autobiography.) The first problem with the suppression of opinions is a very pragmatic one; who shall decide which points are to be permitted and which suppressed? This is no enigma when the concept involved is as apparently as fallacious as Nazism. But what of evolutionism, trade unionism, women’s and black’s rights, all of which were originally suppressed? How does one judge the truth of an opinion? There are no universal standards: it is not given to man to be certain of the truth. It was once universally accepted that women lacked the mental capabilities of men; Christians were thrown to lions; Galileo was persecuted; Socrates was killed. This is all to say that the opinion being suppressed is not necessarily wrong. The shining example of this is the ancient Greek philosopher Socrates, whose opinions so offended his contemporaries that he was put to death. Socrates was not killed by a lynch mob; he was condemned by a legal tribunal of his fellow citizens. Socrates, the wellspring of all subsequent teachers of virtue and ethical philosophy, from the lofty inspiration of Plato to the utilitarianism of Aristotle, was put to death for denying Gods recognized by his state and for “corrupting the youth” of Athens. This, the Master, the source of all eminent thinkers since born, was killed by this contemporaries for holding unpopular beliefs. It is perhaps obvious that “valid” opinions such as those held by Socrates ought not be suppressed, but what if the opinion is wholly false, as those of the Nazis seem to be? To this I would answer that the truth is strong enough to withstand the challenge of falsehood in the marketplace of ideas. It is better to have ideas debated and dissected in the forum of free discussion that to drive them underground and five them the attraction of forbidden fruit. To deny one group’s right to express its opinion is to admit the doubts one may have about the validity of one’s own beliefs. Free discussion is a central theme of democracy. Socrates and Hitler are extreme examples of truth and falsehood. But it is usually the case that an opinion contains some measure of both elements. It is only through the process of free debate that thrush has any chance of becoming known. Of course, it is not the passionate ideologue or dogmatist who benefits from the collision of opinions; rather, it is the “calmer and more disinterested bystander” who gains from free debate, for he is give the opportunity to listen to all arguments and make a personal decision. It has been argued (by Samuel Johnson and Lord Devlin, among others) that the persecution of the giver of truth is a necessary test of his sincerity. Devlin believes that “in a democratic society…there will be a strong tendency to yield — not abandon all defenses so as to let in the horde, but to give ground to those who are prepared to fight for something they prize. To fight may be to suffer. A willingness to suffer is the most convincing proof of sincerity. Without law there would be no proof. The law is the anvil on which the hammer strikes.” The first problem with this position has to do with fairness; is it fair to treat the givers of new truths as criminals; must we expect such people to be martyrs as well as great thinkers? Beyond abstract fairness, there is a strong reason for rejecting Devlin’s view” he makes the implicit assumption that truth inevitably triumphs over persecution. Is this assumption necessarily true? Mill thinks not” “Persecution has always succeeded save where the heretics were too strong a party to be effectively persecuted. No reasonable person can doubt that Christianity might have been extirpated from the Roman Empire. It spread, and became predominant, because the persecutions were only occasional, lasting but a short time, and separated by long intervals of almost undisturbed propagandism. “It is a piece of idle sentimentality that truth, merely as truth, has any inherent power denied to error of prevailing against the dungeon and the stake. Men are not more zealous for truth than they often are for error, and a sufficient application of legal penalties will generally succeed in stopping the propagation of either. The real advent age which truth has consists in the fact that when an opinion is true it may be extinguished once or twice or many times, but in the course of ages there will generally be found persons to rediscover it, until some one of its’ appearances falls on a time when from favorable circumstances it escapes persecution until has made such headway as to withstand all subsequent attempts to suppress it.” There is much support for this view in history, which is replete with examples of what we today call truth. Perhaps the best of these is the Protestant Reformation, which broke out and was successfully suppressed at least twenty times before Luther’s break with the established Church in the sixteenth century. There was Arnold of Brescia, Fra Dolcino Savoralrola, the Albigoeris, the Lollards, and the Hussites. As Mill put it, “History teems with instances of truth put down by persecution. If not suppressed forever, it may be thrown back for centuries.” There are those who would press individual liberty for the sake of a strong state. To them I would resound that a state is worth no more than the aggregate worth of the individuals that compose it. The concluding words of Mill’s On Liberty contain a message that is particularly timely in the second half of the twentieth century, when the double threat of devastating war and revolution on a world scale makes it increasingly difficult to preserve a libertarian temper in politics: “a state which dwarfs its’ men in oder that they may be more docile instruments in its’ hands for beneficial purposes will find that with such small men no great things can really be accomplished; and that the perfection of machinery to which it has sacrificed everything will in the end avail it nothing, for want of the vital power which in order that the machine might work smoothly, it has preferred to banish.” Which brings us back to the American Nazi Party and a simple economics cost-benefits analysis; the Nazis may be evil and their doctrines may be dangerous, but the suppression of their rights is even more dangerous to the basic tenets of democracy. The greatest harm of persecution is not done to those who are heretics, but rather to those who are not, because the mental development of the latter is stifled by the fear of being persecuted as a heretic. In an atmosphere of cowed conformity and slavish submission there may be a few exceptional great thinkers, but not an intellectually active people. We must keep the free marketplace of ideas open to everyone, for when we silence Nazis, it is but a small step until we persecute blacks or Jews; for the precedent has been established. This point was eloquently made by Martin Niemoeller, a Lutheran minister who was imprisoned in Theresienstadt concentration camp for his opposition to the government of Adolf Hitler. 76,000 people were murdered at Theresienstadt, including 15,000 children. When Niemoeller was liberated by the Allies in 1945, he was asked how the world let the actions of the Nazis take place. He responded, “In Germany,” the Nazis first came for the Communists, and I didn’t speak up because I wasn’t Communist. Then they came for the Jews, and I didn’t speak up because I wasn’t a Jew. Then they came for the trade unionists, and I didn’t speak up because I wasn’t a trade unionist. Then they came for the Catholics, and I didn’t stand up because I was a Protestant. Then they came for me, and by that time there was no one left to speak up for me." Original Format The type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data Newspaper Vol. No./Issue No. Volume and issue number for the newspaper (if available) Vol. 1, Issue 2. Student Editor of the Digital Item Williams, Megan Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Free Speech: Defense of an Enemy Subject The topic of the resource American Nazi Party -- History -- 20th century Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Mello, Michael A. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Mello, Michael A. “Free Speech: Defense of an Enemy.” Prometheus, October 17, 1977, 4,9,11-12. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available HIST 298, University of Mary Washington Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1977-10-17 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource The materials in this online collection are held by Special Collections, Simpson Library, University of Mary Washington and are available for educational use. For this purpose only, you may reproduce materials without prior permission on the condition that you provide attribution of the source. Language A language of the resource English Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant Fredericksburg, VA Description An account of the resource Newspaper article by Michael A. Mello which addresses the Constitutional problems of a legal case involving the prohibition of American Nazis from organizing a demonstration. Mello defends the American Nazis right to assemble under the First Amendment. Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource 5 JPG 300 dpi American Nazis Constitution First Amendment Freedom of speech Michael Mello Right to Assembly https://hist299.umwhistory.org/files/original/37ab0bd363ed4521f11e328ee953538d.jpg dff1090559915c06f6b221667860c56a https://hist299.umwhistory.org/files/original/396e4840126874148ce2920bd17bfdd1.jpg f2c0569057338a231411959972489f46 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Michael A. Mello Papers, Series 1 News Clippings, Binder 1, 1976-1979 Text Text Any textual data included in the document For the past ten to twenty years there has been a constant rise in awareness of religious cults in the United States. There are the Hare Krishna's, scientologists, Zen Buddhists, and many others. Yet one stands out as the largest and perhaps the most controversial-the members of the Unification Church, commonly referred to as "Moonies". The Unification Church was founded by Sun Myung Moon. Moon claims that he decided to form the church after a vision of Jesus appeared to him on Easter morning, 1936, while meditating on a mountain. In the vision, Jesus told Moon to go forth and finish the job that he, Jesus, had started. From that point on, Moon worked at building his following to to what is now a membership of several million which spans the world. The basic belief of the Unification Church is published in the Divine Principle, a book written by Moon. The Unification Church claims that there have been three stages in the history of human development, the first Adam, the second Adam, and the Lord of the Second Advent. The first Adam refers to the Adam of Genesis. Moon claims that the spiritual downfall of humanity was a result of Eve's having had sexual intercourse with Lucifer. Then, in an attempt to redeem herself with God, she had intercourse with Adam. This constituted the physical downfall of man. The Second Adam, according to Moon was Jesus. Moon claims that Jesus was no more the son of God than the rest of humanity. However, he claims that Jesus was intuned to God and was aware of his desires. Jesus' mission was to complete the job Adam and Eve began, forming the kingdom of Heaven and Earth. Yet, before he could accomplish this, he was crucified. We now come to the last stage-the Lord of the second advent. According to Moon, this person was born in Korea around 1920 and is already married. His job is the same as that of the first two Adams. Despite the fact that Moon fits the above stated description, neither he nor the Divine Principle pubicaly claim that Sun Myung Moon is the Lord of the second advent. Although the theology of Moon is controversial, it is more the method Moon uses to indoctrinate his members that invites criticism. They are first asked to attend a weekend retreat where they are bombarded with love, brotherhood, and teachings of the church. Constantly accompanied by dedicated believers, they are always kept busy and given little time to sleep. Afterwards, it is strongly suggested that they attend an intensified, week-long version of their initial experience. The end of the second retreat leaves potential members exhausted and saturated with Moon's ideas. Many will become believers. Once they join the church, there are a great many of demands placed on them by Moon (i.e. selling flowers, prosleytizing). They are expected to comply with all demands without question. In an interview with Time Magazine in June 1976, Moon stated, "I am a thinker, I am your brain when you join the effort with me you can do everything in utter obedience to me. Because what I am doing is not done at random, but what I am doing is under God's complaint". Another major area of controversy is the way in which children reject their parents once they join the movement. Moon, in the same Time article explained "You must start over again your new life, from that point denying your past families, friends, neighbors and relatives". Moon goes on to claim that he and his wife are the true parents of his followers. Sun Myung Moon is indeed a very controversial man. Not only does he challenge the authoritative position of Jesus Christ but seems even to imply that he himself is a Divine Figure. What is most interesting, however, is the nature of the prevailing arguments against Moon. The majority are concerned with Moon's indoctrination techniques and the power he wields over the lives of his followers. Few involve objections to his theological doctrines. Original Format The type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data Newspaper Contributor of the Digital Item Person submitting the digital item to the collection. Ivancic, Bailey Student Editor of the Digital Item Williams, Megan Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Unification Church: Faith or Mind Control? Subject The topic of the resource religious groups Description An account of the resource Describes the controversy surrounding Sun Myung Moon, the founder of the Unification Church. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Samuel, Jordan Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Newspaper Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available HIST 298, University of Mary Washington Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1978-01 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource The materials in this online collection are held by Special Collections, Simpson Library, University of Mary Washington and are available for educational use. For this purpose only, you may reproduce materials without prior permission on the condition that you provide attribution of the source. Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource 2 JPG 300 dpi Language A language of the resource English Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context mello: 36 Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant Fredericksburg, VA religion Sun Myung Moon Unification Church https://hist299.umwhistory.org/files/original/2864a5d6f3b25e971ba1c11afc967008.jpg b48892c200e331f5bb484aaeec3bcae4 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Michael A. Mello Papers, Series 1 News Clippings, Binder 1, 1976-1979 Text Text Any textual data included in the document Mary Washington "Animals" Throw Toga Bash By CYNTHIA ANDERSON Bare legs, bare arms, bare shoulders, bare feet, and sheets barely covering the essentials graced the throng which participated in Hamel House's TOGA '79 in Seacobeck basement Friday night. In the tradition of National Lampoon's "Animal House," the "Hamsters" threw this fest in order to "let it all hangout." And it did. Prepster togas, adorned with alligators, striped belts, and topsiders were popular fashion items as well as the stranger concoctions: a space toga, which was adorned with a metallic cape and gloves, a prostitute toga with bangle and beads, a western toga topped with a cowboy hate and a striped tie businessman toga. Campus greenery such as ivy leaves, holly, and oak boughs graced the heads of many. The people-to-beer ration was one gallon per person (none was wasted), which helped to get the festivities off to an uproarious start. By stamping, shouting, dancing, and just plain going crazy the crowd mad Thunderbay's last performance a memorable one. The band, consisting of ex-MWC men, found calming the clamor impossible. Hamlet House awarded six-packs of beer to the best dressed in the categories of most formal toga (Ann Osborne), the best all-around toga (Beth Innis), most stylish toga (Buck Waters), and the toga which best exemplified John Belushi, the crude, rude, socially unacceptable star of "Animal House." (Chip Straley won that category hands down.) Being scantly clad in a sheet seemed to break down the throng's inhibitions even more. AVC-TV was on hand to film such antics as line dancing, beer baths, and the acrobatics of flipping over while diving into a trash can. Perhaps there was a unifying philosophy behind partygoers motive while the rallying cheer echoed "TOGA, TOGA, TOGA..." Speaking of philosophy, the festivities were visited by Dr. Van Stant, adorned in a "Fickett For Pro Counsul" toga, along with Ms. Hanna (in pink, complete with Cleopatra For Emperor-person buttons, of course.) Their wraps were awarded an honorable mention. Dr. Kramer also made an appearance. The toga party is not unique to Mary Washington, however. The Washington Post ran a two-page article which explored this phenomenon and stated that there are actual "toga representatives" which go to college to promote the parties and in doing so, promote the movie. TOGA '79, An "invitation only party," brought together just MWC students and their guests, which made the atmosphere familiar and the conditions less crowded, leaving plenty of room to pretzel. Patrick Everett, the Administrative Aide for the House, stated that the party was a success, and there is "a new theme trend in parties, exemplified by Madison's Pajama Keg Party in ACL Saturday night." It seemed as though the student body is looking for more creative names for the mundane title "keg party." The possibilities are endless. Original Format The type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data Newspaper Article Contributor of the Digital Item Person submitting the digital item to the collection. Sanford, Shauna S. Student Editor of the Digital Item Williams, Megan Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Mary Washington "Animals" Throw Toga Bash Subject The topic of the resource College Newspapers Description An account of the resource An article written for the Mary Washington Bullet by Cynthia Anderson detailing the toga party that was hosted by the "Animals." Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Anderson, Cynthia Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Anderson, Cynthia. "Mary Washington 'Animals' Throw Toga Bash." Mary Washington Bullet, October 3,1979. A16, News Clippings, Box 1, April 19, 1976-October, 1979, Michael A. Mello Papers, 1957-2008, Special Collections, Simpson Library, University of Mary Washington. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available HIST 298, University of Mary Washington Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1979-10-03 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource The materials in this online collection are held by Special Collections, Simpson Library, University of Mary Washington and are available for educational use. For this purpose only, you may reproduce materials without prior permission on the condition that you provide attribution of the source. Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource 1 jpg 300 dpi Language A language of the resource English Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context mello: 63 Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant Fredericksburg, VA Animal House College Newspaper Keg Party Mary Washington Bullet toga party https://hist299.umwhistory.org/files/original/3b8b70ddae78c2aba2bd553dced8a637.jpg bcb7e15a27d6cd1e58ccc0530e72a1ce Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Michael A. Mello Papers, Series 1 News Clippings, Binder 1, 1976-1979 Still Image A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials. Original Format The type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data Newspaper cartoon Physical Dimensions The actual physical size of the original image 4x3 inches Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Balance of Administrative Power against Student and Faculty Power Subject The topic of the resource School management and organization Description An account of the resource A political cartoon depicting an unbalanced scale, with the Administrative Power bag weighing significantly more than the smaller Student Power and Faculty Power bags. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Prometheus, October 17, 1977, 5. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available HIST 298, University of Mary Washington Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1977-10-17 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource The materials in this online collection are held by Special Collections, Simpson Library, University of Mary Washington and are available for educational use. For this purpose only, you may reproduce materials without prior permission on the condition that you provide attribution of the source. Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource 1 JPG 300 dpi Language A language of the resource English Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context mello: 14 Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant Fredericksburg, VA